Jumat, 14 April 2017

Coloring pages of Captain America The Winter Soldier

Coloring pages of Captain America The Winter Soldier

chapter 18: the impossible victory: vietnam from 1964 to 1972, the wealthiest and mostpowerful nation in the history of the world made a maximum military effort, with everythingshort of atomic bombs, to defeat a nationalist revolutionary movement in a tiny, peasantcountry-and failed. when the united states fought in vietnam,it was organized modern technology versus organized human beings, and the human beingswon. in the course of that war, there developedin the united states the greatest antiwar movement the nation had ever experienced,a movement that played a critical part in bringing the war to an end.

it was another startling fact of the sixties. in the fall of 1945 japan, defeated, was forcedto leave indochina, the former french colony it had occupied at the start of the war. in the meantime, a revolutionary movementhad grown there, determined to end colonial control and to achieve a new life for thepeasants of indochina. led by a communist named ho chi minh, therevolutionists fought against the japanese, and when they were gone held a spectacularcelebration in hanoi in late 1945, with a million people in the streets, and issueda declaration of independence. it borrowed from the declaration of the rightsof man and the citizen, in the french revolution,

and from the american declaration of independence,and began: "all men are created equal. they are endowed by their creator with certaininalienable rights; among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." just as the americans in 1776 had listed theirgrievances against the english king, the vietnamese listed their complaints against french rule:they have enforced inhuman laws. they have built more prisons than schools. they have mercilessly slain our patriots;they have drowned uprisings in rivers of blood. they have fettered public opinion. they have robbed us of our rice fields, ourmines, our forests, and our raw materials.

they have invented numerous unjustifiabletaxes and reduced our people, especially our peasantry, to a state of extreme poverty fromthe end of last year, to the beginning of this year more than two million of our fellowcitizens died of starvation. the whole vietnamese people, animated by acommon purpose, are determined to fight to the bitter end against any attempt by thefrench colonialists to reconquer their country. the u.s. defense department study of the vietnamwar, intended to be "top secret" but released to the public by daniel ellsberg and anthonyrusso in the famous pentagon papers case, described ho chi minh's work:ho had built the viet minh into the only vietnam-wide political organization capable of effectiveresistance to either the japanese or the french.

he was the only vietnamese wartime leaderwith a national following, and he assured himself wider fealty among the vietnamesepeople when in august-september, 1945, he overthrew the japanese established the democraticrepublic of vietnam, and staged receptions for incoming allied occupation forces. for a few weeks in september, 1945, vietnamwas for the first and only time in its modern history free of foreign domination, and unitedfrom north to south under ho chi minh. the western powers were already at work tochange this. england occupied the southern part of indochinaand then turned it back to the french. nationalist china (this was under chiang kai-shek, before the communist revolution) occupied

the northern part of indochina, and the unitedstates persuaded it to turn that back to the french. as ho chi minh told an american journalist:"we apparently stand quite alone. we shall have to depend on ourselves." between october 1945 and february 1946, hochi minh wrote eight letters to president truman, reminding him of the self-determinationpromises of the atlantic charter. one of the letters was sent both to trumanand to the united nations: i wish to invite attention of your excellencyfor strictly humanitarian reasons to following matter.

two million vietnamese died of starvationduring winter of 1944 and spring 1945 because of starvation policy of french who seizedand stored until it controlled all available rice. three fourths of cultivated land was floodedin summer 1945, which was followed by a severe drought; of normal harvest five-sixths waslost. many people are starving. unless great world powers and internationalrelief organizations bring us immediate assistance we face imminent catastrophe. truman never replied.

in october of 1946, the french bombarded haiphong,a port in northern vietnam, and there began the eight-year war between the vietminh movementand the french over who would rule vietnam. after the communist victory in china in 1949and the korean war the following year, the united states began giving large amounts ofmilitary aid to the french. by 1954, the united states had given 300,000small arms and machine guns, enough to equip the entire french army in indochina, and $1billion; all together, the u.s. was financing 80 percent of the french war effort. why was the united states doing this? to the public, the word was that the unitedstates was helping to stop communism in asia,

but there was not much public discussion. in the secret memoranda of the national securitycouncil (which advised the president on foreign policy) there was talk in 1950 of what cameto be known as the "domino theory"—that, like a row of dominoes, if one country fellto communism, the next one would do the same and so on. it was important therefore to keep the firstone from falling. a secret memo of the national security councilin june 1952 also pointed to the chain of u.s. military bases along the coast of china,the philippines, taiwan, japan, south korea: communist control of all of southeast asiawould render the u.s. position in the pacific

offshore island chain precarious and wouldseriously jeopardize fundamental u.s. security interests in the far east. and:southeast asia, especially malaya and indonesia, is the principal world source of natural rubberand tin, and a producer of petroleum and other strategically important commodities. it was also noted that japan depended on therice of southeast asia, and communist victory there would "make it extremely difficult toprevent japan's eventual accommodation to communism." in 1953, a congressional study mission reported:"the area of indochina is immensely wealthy

in rice, rubber, coal and iron ore. its position makes it a strategic key to therest of southeast asia." that year, a state department memorandum saidthat the french were losing the war in indochina, had failed "to win a sufficient native support,"feared that a negotiated settlement "would mean the eventual loss to communism not onlyof indo-china but of the whole of southeast asia," and concluded: "if the french actuallydecided to withdraw, the u.s. would have to consider most seriously whether to take overin this area. in 1954, the french, having been unable towin vietnamese popular support, which was overwhelmingly behind ho chi minh and therevolutionary movement, had to withdraw.

an international assemblage at geneva presidedover the peace agreement between the french and the vietminh. it was agreed that the french would temporarilywithdraw into the southern part of vietnam, that the vietminh would remain in the north,and that an election would take place in two years in a unified vietnam to enable the vietnameseto choose their own government. the united states moved quickly to preventthe unification and to establish south vietnam as an american sphere. it set up in saigon as head of the governmenta former vietnamese official named ngo dinh diem, who had recently been living in newjersey, and encouraged him not to hold the

scheduled elections for unification. a memo in early 1954 of the joint chiefs ofstaff said that intelligence estimates showed "a settlement based on free elections wouldbe attended by almost certain loss of the associated states [laos, cambodia, and vietnam-thethree parts of indochina created by the geneva conference] to communist control." diem again and again blocked the electionsrequested by the vietminh, and with american money and arms his government became moreand more firmly established. as the pentagon papers put it: "south vietnam was essentially the creation of the united states."

the diem regime became increasingly unpopular. diem was a catholic, and most vietnamese werebuddhists; diem was close to the landlords, and this was a country of peasants. his pretences at land reform left things basicallyas they were. he replaced locally selected provincial chiefswith his own men, appointed in saigon; by 1962, 88 percent of these provincial chiefswere military men. diem imprisoned more and more vietnamese whocriticized the regime for corruption, for lack of reform. opposition grew quickly in the countryside,where diem's apparatus could not reach well,

and around 1958 guerrilla activities beganagainst the regime. the communist regime in hanoi gave aid, encouragement,and sent people south-most of them southerners who had gone north after the geneva accords-tosupport the guerrilla movement. in 1960, the national liberation front wasformed in the south. it united the various strands of oppositionto the regime; its strength came from south vietnamese peasants, who saw it as a way ofchanging their daily lives. a u.s. government analyst named douglas pike,in his book viet cong, based on interviews with rebels and captured documents, triedto give a realistic assessment of what the united states faced:in the 2561 villages of south vietnam, the

national liberation front created a host ofnation-wide socio-political organizations in a country where mass organizations werevirtually non-existent. aside from the nlf there had never been atruly mass-based political party in south vietnam. pike wrote: "the communists have brought tothe villages of south vietnam significant social change and have done so largely bymeans of the communication process." that is, they were organizers much more thanthey were warriors. "what struck me most forcibly about the nlfwas its totality as a social revolution first and as a war second."

pike was impressed with the mass involvementof the peasants in the movement. "the rural vietnamese was not regarded simplyas a pawn in a power struggle but as the active element in the thrust. he was the thrust." pike wrote:the purpose of this vast organizational effort was ... to restructure the social order ofthe village and train the villages to control themselves. this was the nlf's one undeviating thrustfrom the start. not the killing of arvn (saigon) soldiers,not the occupation of real estate, not the

preparation for some great pitched battlebut organization in depth of the rural population through the instrument of self-control. pike estimated that the nlf membership byearly 1962 stood at around 300,000. the pentagon papers said of this period: "onlythe viet cong had any real support and influence on a broad base in the countryside." when kennedy took office in early 1961 hecontinued the policies of truman and eisenhower in southeast asia. almost immediately, he approved a secret planfor various military actions in vietnam and laos, including the "dispatch of agents tonorth vietnam" to engage in "sabotage and

light harassment," according to the pentagonpapers. back in 1956, he had spoken of "the amazingsuccess of president diem" and said of diem's vietnam: "her political liberty is an inspiration." one day in june 1963, a buddhist monk satdown in the public square in saigon and set himself afire. more buddhist monks began committing suicideby fire to dramatize their opposition to the diem regime. diem's police raided the buddhist pagodasand temples, wounded thirty monks, arrested 1,400 people, and closed down the pagodas.

there were demonstrations in the city. the police fired, killing nine people. then, in hue, the ancient capital, ten thousanddemonstrated in protest. under the geneva accords, the united stateswas permitted to have 685 military advisers in southern vietnam. eisenhower secretly sent several thousand. under kennedy, the figure rose to sixteenthousand, and some of them began to take part in combat operations. diem was losing.

most of the south vietnam countryside wasnow controlled by local villagers organized by the nlf. diem was becoming an embarrassment, an obstacleto effective control over vietnam. some vietnamese generals began plotting tooverthrow his regime, staying in touch with a cta man named lucien conein. conein met secretly with american ambassadorhenry cabot lodge, who was enthusiastically for the coup. lodge reported to kennedy's assistant, mcgeorgebundy, on october 25 (pentagon papers): "i have personally approved each meeting betweengeneral iran van don and conein who has carried

out my orders in each instance explicitly." kennedy seemed hesitant, but no move was madeto warn diem. indeed, just before the coup, and just afterhe had been in touch through conein with the plotters, lodge spent a weekend with diemat a seaside resort. when, on november 1, 1963, the generals attackedthe presidential palace, diem phoned ambassador lodge, and the conversation went as follows:diem: some units have made a rebellion and i want to know what is the attitude of theunited states? lodge: i do not feel well enough informedto be able to tell you. i have heard the shooting, but am not acquaintedwith all of the facts.

also, it is 4:30 a.m. in washington and theu.s. government cannot possibly have a view. diem: but you must have some general ideas. lodge told diem to phone him if he could doanything for his physical safety. that was the last conversation any americanhad with diem. he fled the palace, but he and his brotherwere apprehended by the plotters, taken out in a truck, and executed. earlier in 1963, kennedy's undersecretaryof state, u. alexis johnson, was speaking before the economicclub of detroit:

what is the attraction that southeast asiahas exerted for centuries on the great powers flanking it on all sides? why is it desirable, and why is it important? first, it provides a lush climate, fertilesoil, rich natural resources, a relatively sparse population in most areas, and roomto expand. the countries of southeast asia produce richexportable surpluses such as rice, rubber, teak, corn, tin, spices, oil, and many others. this is not the language that was used bypresident kennedy in his explanations to the american public.

he talked of communism and freedom. in a news conference february 14, 1962, hesaid; "yes, as you know, the u.s. for more than a decade has been assisting the government,the people of vietnam, to maintain their independence." three weeks after the execution of diem, kennedyhimself was assassinated, and his vice- president, lyndon johnson, took office. the generals who succeeded diem could notsuppress the national liberation front. again, and again, american leaders expressedtheir bewilderment at the popularity of the nlf, at the high morale of its soldiers. the pentagon historians wrote that when eisenhowermet with president- elect kennedy in january

1961, he "wondered aloud why, in interventionsof this kind, we always seemed to find that the morale of the communist forces was betterthan that of the democratic forces." and general maxwell taylor reported in late1964: the ability of the viet cong continuouslyto rebuild their units and to make good their losses is one of the mysteries of the guerrillawar. not only do the viet-cong units have the recuperativepowers of the phoenix, but they have an amazing ability to maintain morale. only in rare cases have we found evidencesof bad morale among viet cong prisoners or recorded in captured viet cong documents.

in early august 1964, president johnson useda murky set of events in the gulf of tonkin, off the coast of north vietnam, to launchfull-scale war on vietnam. johnson and secretary of defense robert mcnamaratold the american public there was an attack by north vietnamese torpedo boats on americandestroyers. "while on routine patrol in internationalwaters," mcnamara said, "the u.s. destroyer maddox underwent an unprovoked attack." it later turned out that the gulf of tonkinepisode was a fake, that the highest american officials had lied to the public-just as theyhad in the invasion of cuba under kennedy. in fact, the cia had engaged in a secret operationattacking north vietnamese coastal installations—so

if there had been an attack it would not havebeen "unprovoked." it was not a "routine patrol," because themaddox was on a special electronic spying mission. and it was not in international waters butin vietnamese territorial waters. it turned out that no torpedoes were firedat the maddox, as mcnamara said. another reported attack on another destroyer,two nights later, which johnson called "open aggression on the high seas," seems also tohave been an invention. at the time of the incident, secretary ofstate rusk was questioned on nbc television: the tonkin "attack" brought a congressionalresolution, passed unanimously in the house,

and with only two dissenting votes in thesenate, giving johnson the power to take military action as he saw fit in southeast asia. two months before the gulf of tonkin incident,u.s. government leaders met in honolulu and discussed such a resolution. rusk said, in this meeting, according to thepentagon papers, that "public opinion on our southeast asia policy was badly divided inthe united states at the moment and that, therefore, the president needed an affirmationof support." the tonkin resolution gave the president thepower to initiate hostilities without the declaration of war by congress that the constitutionrequired.

the supreme court, supposed to be the watchdogof the constitution, was asked by a number of petitioners in the course of the vietnamwar to declare the war unconstitutional. again, and again, it refused even to considerthe issue. immediately after the tonkin affair, americanwarplanes began bombarding north vietnam. during 1965, over 200,000 american soldierswere sent to south vietnam, and in 1966, 200,000 more. by early 1968, there were more than 500,000american troops there, and the u.s. air force was dropping bombs at a rate unequalled inhistory. tiny glimmerings of the massive human sufferingunder this bombardment came to the outside

world. on june 5, 1965, the new york times carrieda dispatch from saigon: as the communists withdrew from quangngailast monday, united states jet bombers pounded the hills into which they were headed. many vietnamese one estimate is as high as500—were killed by the strikes. the american contention is that they werevietcong soldiers. but three out of four patients seeking treatmentin a vietnamese hospital afterward for burns from napalm, or jellied gasoline, were villagewomen. on september 6, another press dispatch fromsaigon:

in bien hoa province, south of saigon on august15 united states aircraft accidentally bombed a buddhist pagoda and a catholic church itwas the third time their pagoda had been bombed in 1965. a temple of the cao dai religious sect inthe same area had been bombed twice this year. in another delta province, there is a womanwho has both arms burned off by napalm and her eyelids so badly burned that she cannotclose them. when it is time for her to sleep, her familyputs a blanket over her head. the woman had two of her children killed inthe air strike that maimed her. few americans appreciate what their nationis doing to south vietnam with airpower innocent

civilians are dying every day in south vietnam. large areas of south vietnam were declared"free fire zones," which meant that all persons remaining within them-civilians, old people,children were considered an enemy, and bombs were dropped at will. villages suspected of harbouring viet congwere subject to "search and destroy" missions—men of military age in the villages were killed,the homes were burned, the women, children, and old people were sent off to refugee camps. jonathan schell, in his book the village ofben suc, describes such an operation: a village surrounded, attacked, a man riding on a bicycleshot down, three people picnicking by the

river shot to death, the houses destroyed,the women, children, old people herded together, taken away from their ancestral homes. the cia in vietnam, in a program called "operationphoenix," secretly, without trial, executed at least twenty thousand civilians in southvietnam who were suspected of being members of the communist underground. a pro-administration analyst wrote in thejournal foreign affairs in january 1975: "although the phoenix program did undoubtedly kill orincarcerate many innocent civilians, it did also eliminate many members of the communistinfrastructure." after the war, the release of records of theinternational red cross showed that in south

vietnamese prison camps, where at the heightof the war 65,000 to 70,000 people were held and often beaten and tortured, american advisersobserved and sometimes participated. the red cross observers found continuing,systematic brutality at the two principal vietnamese pow camps—at phu quoc and quinhon, where american advisers were stationed. by the end of the vietnam war, 7 million tonsof bombs had been dropped on vietnam, more than twice the total bombs dropped on europeand asia in world war ii—almost one 500-pound bomb for every human being in vietnam. it was estimated that there were 20 millionbomb craters in the country. in addition, poisonous sprays were droppedby planes to destroy trees and any kind of

growth—an area the size of the state ofmassachusetts was covered with such poison. vietnamese mothers reported birth defectsin their children. yale biologists, using the same poison 2 45 t, on mice, reported defective mice born and said they had no reason to believe theeffect on humans was different. on march 16, 1968, a company of american soldierswent into the hamlet of my lai 4, in quang ngai province. they rounded up the inhabitants, includingold people and women with infants in their arms. these people were ordered into a ditch, wherethey were methodically shot to death by american

soldiers. the testimony of james dursi, a rifleman,at the later trial of lieutenant william calley, was reported in the new york times:lieutenant calley and a weeping rifleman named paul d. meadlo the same soldier who had fedcandy to the children before shooting them pushed the prisoners into the ditch. "there was an order to shoot by lieutenantcalley, i can't remember the exact words-it was something like 'start firing.' "meadlo turned to me and said: 'shoot, whydon't you shoot?' "i was crying.

"i said, 'i can't. i won't.'"then lieutenant calley and meadlo pointed their rifles into the ditch and fired. "people were diving on top of each other;mothers were trying to protect their children." journalist seymour hersh, in his book my lai4, writes: when army investigators reached the barrenarea in november, 1969, in connection with the my lai probe in the united states, theyfound mass graves at three sites, as well as a ditch full of bodies. it was estimated that between 450 and 500people -most of them women, children and old men-had been slain and buried there.

the army tried to cover up what happened. but a letter began circulating from a gi namedron ridenhour, who had heard about the massacre. there were photos taken of the killing byan army photographer, ronald haeberle. seymour hersh, then working for an antiwarnews agency in southeast asia called dispatch news service, wrote about it. the story of the massacre had appeared inmay 1968 in two french publications, one called sud vietnam en lutte, and another publishedby the north vietnamese delegation to the peace talks in paris-but the american pressdid not pay any attention. several of the officers in the my lai massacrewere put on trial, but only lieutenant william

calley was found guilty. he was sentenced to life imprisonment, buthis sentence was reduced twice; he served three years-nixon ordered that he be underhouse arrest rather than a regular prison-and then was paroled. thousands of americans came to his defense. part of it was in patriotic justificationof his action as necessary against the "communists." part of it seems to have been a feeling thathe was unjustly singled out in a war with many similar atrocities. colonel oran henderson, who had been chargedwith covering up the my lai killings, told

reporters in early 1971: "every unit of brigadesize has it’s my lai hidden someplace." indeed, my lai was unique only in its details. hersh reported a letter sent by a gi to hisfamily, and published in a local newspaper: dear mom and dad:today we went on a mission and i am not very proud of myself, my friends, or my country. we burned every hut in sight! it was a small rural network of villages andthe people were incredibly poor. my unit burned and plundered their meagrepossessions. let me try to explain the situation to you.

the huts here are thatched palm leaves. each one has a dried mud bunker inside. these bunkers are to protect the families. kind of like air raid shelters. my unit commanders, however, chose to thinkthat these bunkers are offensive. so, every hut we find that has a bunker weare ordered to burn to the ground. when the ten helicopters landed this morning,in the midst of these huts, and six men jumped out of each "chopper", we were firing themoment we hit the ground. we fired into all the huts we could.

it is then that we burned these huts. everyone is crying, begging and praying thatwe don't separate them and take their husbands and fathers, sons and grandfathers. the women wail and moan. then they watch in terror as we burn theirhomes, personal possessions and food. yes, we burn all rice and shoot all livestock. the more unpopular became the saigon government,the more desperate the military effort became to make up for this. a secret congressional report of late 1967said the viet cong were distributing about

five times more land to the peasants thanthe south vietnamese government, whose land distribution program had come "to a virtualstandstill." the report said: "the viet cong have eliminatedlandlord domination and reallocated lands owned by absentee landlords and the g.v.n. [government of viet nam] to the landless andothers who cooperate with viet cong authorities." the unpopularity of the saigon governmentexplains the success of the national liberation front in infiltrating saigon and other government-heldtowns in early 1968, without the people there warning the government. the nlf thus launched a surprise offensive(it was the time of "tet," their new year

holiday) that carried them into the heartof saigon, immobilized tan san nhut airfield, even occupied the american embassy briefly. the offensive was beaten back, but it demonstratedthat all the enormous firepower delivered on vietnam by the united states had not destroyedthe nlf, its morale, its popular support, its will to fight. it caused a reassessment in the american government,more doubts among the american people. the massacre at my lai by a company of ordinarysoldiers was a small event compared with the plans of high-level military and civilianleaders to visit massive destruction on the civilian population of vietnam, assistantsecretary of defense john mcnaughton in early

1966, seeing that large-scale bombing of northvietnam villages was not producing the desired result, suggested a different strategy. the air strikes on villages, he said, would"create a counterproductive wave of revulsion abroad and at home." he suggested instead:destruction of locks and dams, however if handled right might offer promise. it should be studied. such destruction doesn't kill or drown people. by shallow-flooding the rice, it leads aftera time to widespread starvation (more than

a million?) unless food is provided which, we could offerto do "at the conference table." the heavy bombings were intended to destroythe will of ordinary vietnamese to resist, as in the bombings of german and japanesepopulation centres in world war ii despite president johnson's public insistence thatonly "military targets" were being bombed. the government was using language like "onemore turn of the screw" to describe bombing. the cia at one point in 1966 recommended a"bombing program of greater intensify," according to the pentagon papers, directed against,in the cia's words, "the will of the regime as a target system."

meanwhile, just across the border of vietnam,in a neighbouring country, laos, where a right-wing government installed by the cia faced a rebellion,one of the most beautiful areas in the world, the plain of jars, was being destroyed bybombing. this was not reported by the government orthe press, but an american who lived in laos, fred branfman, told the story in his bookvoices from the plain of jars: over 25,000 attack sorties were flown againstthe plain of jars from may, 1964, through september, 1969; over 75,000 tons of bombswere dropped on it; on the ground, thousands were killed and wounded, tens of thousandsdriven underground, and the entire aboveground society levelled.

branfman, who spoke the laotian language andlived in a village with a laotian family, interviewed hundreds of refugees from thebombing who poured into the capital city of vientiane. he recorded their statements and preservedtheir drawings. a twenty-six-year-old nurse from xieng khouangtold of her life in her village: i was at one with the earth, the air, theupland fields, the paddy and the seedbeds of my village. each day and night in the light of the mooni and my friends from the village would wander, calling out and singing, through forest andfield, amidst the cries of the birds.

during the harvesting and planting season,we would sweat and labor together, under the sun and the rain, contending with povertyand miserable conditions, continuing the farmer's life which has been the profession of ourancestors. but in 1964 and 1965 i could feel the tremblingof the earth and the shock from the sounds of arms exploding around my village. i began to hear the noise of airplanes, circlingabout in the heavens. one of them would stick its head down and,plunging earthward, loose a loud roar, shocking the heart as light and smoke covered everythingso that one could not see anything at all. each day we would exchange news with the neighbouringvillagers of the bombings that had occurred:

the damaged houses, the injured and the dead. the holes! during that time, we needed holes to saveour lives. we who were young took our sweat and our strength,which should have been spent raising food in the rice fields and forests to sustainour lives, and squandered it digging holes to protect ourselves. one young woman explained why the revolutionarymovement in laos, the neo lao, attracted her and so many of her friends:as a young girl, i had found that the past had not been very good, for men had mistreatedand made fun of women as the weaker sex.

but after the neo lao party began to administerthe region it became very different under the neo lao things changed psychologically,such as their teaching that women should be as brave as men. for example: although i had gone to schoolbefore, my elders advised me not to. they had said that it would not be usefulfor me as i could not hope to be a high-ranking official after graduation, that only the childrenof the elite or rich could expect that. but the neo lao said that women should havethe same education as men, and they gave us equal privileges and did not allow anyoneto make fun of us. and the old associations were changed intonew ones.

for example, most of the new teachers anddoctors trained were women. and they changed the lives of the very poor. for they shared the land of those who hadmany rice fields with those who had none. a seventeen-year-old boy told about the pathetlao revolutionary army coming to his village: some people were afraid, mostly those withmoney. they offered cows to the pathet lao soldiersto eat, but the soldiers refused to take them. if they did take them, they paid a suitableprice. the truth is that they led the people notto be afraid of anything. then they organized the election of villageand canton chief, and the people were the

ones who chose them. desperation led the cia to enlist the hmongtribesmen in military campaigns, which led to the deaths of thousands of hmong. this was accompanied by secrecy and lying,as was so much of what happened in laos. in september 1973, a former government officialin laos, jerome doolittle, wrote in the new york times:the pentagon's most recent lies about bombing cambodia bring back a question that oftenoccurred to me when i was press attach㉠at the american embassy in vientiane, laos. why did we bother to lie?

when i first arrived in laos, i was instructedto answer all press questions about our massive and merciless bombing campaign in that tinycountry with: "at the request of the royal laotian government, the united states is conductingunarmed reconnaissance flights accompanied by armed escorts who have the right to returnif fired upon." this was a lie. every reporter to whom i told it knew it wasa lie. hanoi knew it was a lie. the international control commission knewit was a lie. every interested congressman and newspaperreader knew it was a lie.

after all, the lies did serve to keep somethingfrom somebody, and the somebody was us. by early 1968, the cruelty of the war begantouching the conscience of many americans. for many others, the problem was that theunited states was unable to win the war, while 40,000 american soldiers were dead by thistime, 250,000 wounded, with no end in sight. (the vietnam casualties were many times thisnumber.) lyndon johnson had escalated a brutal warand failed to win it. his popularity was at an all-time low; hecould not appear publicly without a demonstration against him and the war. the chant "lbj, lbj, how many kids did youkill today?" was heard in demonstrations throughout

the country. in the spring of 1968 johnson announced hewould not run again for president, and that negotiations for peace would begin with thevietnamese in paris. in the fall of 1968, richard nixon, pledgingthat he would get the united states out of vietnam, was elected president. he began to withdraw troops; by february 1972,less than 150,000 were left. but the bombing continued. nixon's policy was "vietnamization" the saigongovernment, with vietnamese ground troops, using american money and air power, wouldcarry on the war.

nixon was not ending the war; he was endingthe most unpopular aspect of it, the involvement of american soldiers on the soil of a farawaycountry. in the spring of 1970, nixon and secretaryof state henry kissinger launched an invasion of cambodia, after a long bombardment thatthe government never disclosed to the public. the invasion not only led to an outcry ofprotest in the united states, it was a military failure, and congress resolved that nixoncould not use american troops in extending the war without congressional approval. the following year, without american troops,the united states supported a south vietnamese invasion of laos.

this too failed. in 1971, 800,000 tons of bombs were droppedby the united states on laos, cambodia, vietnam. meantime, the saigon military regime, headedby president nguyen van thieu, the last of a long succession of saigon chiefs of state,was keeping thousands of opponents in jail. some of the first signs of opposition in theunited states to the vietnam war came out of the civil rights movement-perhaps becausethe experience of black people with the government led them to distrust any claim that it wasfighting for freedom. on the very day that lyndon johnson was tellingthe nation in early august 1964 about the gulf of tonkin incident, and announcing thebombing of north vietnam, black and white

activists were gathering near philadelphia,mississippi, at a memorial service for the three civil rights workers killed there thatsummer. one of the speakers pointed bitterly to johnson'suse of force in asia, comparing it with the violence used against blacks in mississippi. in mid-1965, in mccomb, mississippi, youngblacks who had just learned that a classmate of theirs was killed in vietnam distributeda leaflet: no mississippi negroes should be fightingin viet nam for the white man's freedom, until all the negro people are free in mississippi. negro boys should not honor the draft herein mississippi.

mothers should encourage their sons not togo. no one has a right to ask us to risk our livesand kill other coloured people in santo domingo and viet nam, so that the white american canget richer. when secretary of defense robert mcnamaravisited mississippi and praised senator john stennis, a prominent racist, as a "man ofvery genuine greatness," white and black students marched in protest, with placards saying "inmemory of the burned children of vietnam." the student nonviolent coordinating committeedeclared in early 1966 that "the united states is pursuing an aggressive policy in violationof international law" and called for withdrawal from vietnam.

that summer, six members of sncc were arrestedfor an invasion of an induction centre in atlanta. they were convicted and sentenced to severalyears in prison. around the same time, julian bond, a snccactivist who had just been elected to the georgia house of representatives, spoke outagainst the war and the draft, and the house voted that he not be seated because his statementsviolated the selective service act and "tend to bring discredit to the house." the supreme court restored bond to his seat,saying he had the right to free expression under the first amendment.

one of the great sports figures of the nation,muhammad ali, the black boxer and heavyweight champion, refused to serve in what he calleda "white man's war"; boxing authorities took away his title as champion. martin luther king, jr., spoke out in 1967at riverside church in new york: somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to thesuffering poor of vietnam. i speak for those whose land is being laidwaste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted.

i speak for the poor of america who are payingthe double price of smashed hopes at home and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for theworld as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. i speak as an american to the leaders of myown nation. the great initiative in this war is ours. the initiative to stop it must be ours. young men began to refuse to register forthe draft, refused to be inducted if called. as early as may 1964 the slogan "we won'tgo" was widely publicized.

some who had registered began publicly burningtheir draft cards to protest the war. one, david o'brien, burned his draft cardin south boston; he was convicted, and the supreme court overruled his argument thatthis was a protected form of free expression. in october of 1967 there were organized draft-card"turn-ins" all over the country; in san francisco alone, three hundred draft cards were returnedto the government. just before a huge demonstration at the pentagonthat month, a sack of collected draft cards was presented to the justice department. by mid-1965, 380 prosecutions were begun againstmen refusing to be inducted; by mid-1968 that figure was up to 3,305.

at the end of 1969, there were 33,960 delinquentsnationwide. in may 1969, the oakland induction centre,where draftees reported from all of northern california, reported that of 4,400 men orderedto report for induction, 2,400 did not show up. in the first quarter of 1970 the selectiveservice system, for the first time, could not meet its quota. a boston university graduate student in history,philip supina, wrote on may 1, 1968, to his draft board in tucson, arizona:i am enclosing the order for me to report for my pre-induction physical exam for thearmed forces.

i have absolutely no intention to report forthat exam, or for induction, or to aid in any way the american war effort against thepeople of vietnam. he ended his letter by quoting the spanishphilosopher miguel unamuno, who during the spanish civil war said: "sometimes to be silentis to lie." supina was convicted and sentenced to fouryears in prison. early in the war, there had been two separateincidents, barely noticed by most americans. on november 2, 1965, in front of the pentagonin washington, as thousands of employees were streaming out of the building in the lateafternoon, norman morrison, a thirty-two-year-old pacifist, father of three, stood below thethird-floor windows of secretary of defense

robert mcnamara, doused himself with kerosene,and set himself afire, giving up his life in protest the war. also, that year, in detroit, an eighty-two-year-oldwoman named alice herz burned herself to death to make a statement against the horror ofindochina. a remarkable change in sentiment took place. in early 1965, when the bombing of north vietnambegan, a hundred-people gathered on the boston common to voice their indignation. on october 15, 1969, the number of peopleassembled on the boston common to protest the war was 100,000.

perhaps 2 million people across the nationgathered that day in towns and villages that had never seen an antiwar meeting. in the summer of 1965, a few hundred peoplehad gathered in washington to march in protest against the war: the first in line, historianstaughton lynd, sncc organizer bob moses, and long- time pacifist david dellinger, weresplattered with red paint by hecklers. but by 1970, the washington peace rallieswere drawing hundreds of thousands of people. in 1971, twenty thousand came to washingtonto commit civil disobedience, trying to tie up washington traffic to express their revulsionagainst the killing still going on in vietnam. fourteen thousand of them were arrested, thelargest mass arrest in american history.

hundreds of volunteers in the peace corpsspoke out against the war. in chile, ninety-two volunteers defied thepeace corps director and issued a circular denouncing the war. eight hundred former members of the corpsissued a statement of protest against what was happening in vietnam. the poet robert lowell, invited to a whitehouse function, refused to come. arthur miller, also invited, sent a telegramto the white house: "when the gun’s boom, the arts die." singer eartha kitt was invited to a luncheonon the white house lawn and shocked all those

present by speaking out, in the presence ofthe president's wife, against the war. a teenager, called to the white house to accepta prize, came and criticized the war. in hollywood, local artists erected a 60-foottower of protest on sunset boulevard. at the national book award ceremonies in newyork, fifty authors and publishers walked out on a speech by vice-president humphreyin a display of anger at his role in the war. in london, two young americans gate-crashedthe american ambassador's elegant fourth of july reception and called out a toast: "toall the dead and dying in vietnam." they were carried out by guards. in the pacific ocean, two young american seamenhijacked an american munitions ship to divert

its load of bombs from airbases in thailand. for four days, they took command of the shipand its crew, taking amphetamine pills to stay awake until the ship reached cambodianwaters. the associated press reported in late 1972,from "york, pennsylvania: "five antiwar activists were arrested by the state police today forallegedly sabotaging railroad equipment near a factory that makes bomb casings used inthe vietnam war." middle-class and professional people unaccustomedto activism began to speak up. in may 1970, the new york times reported fromwashington: "1000 'establishment' lawyers join war protest."

corporations began to wonder whether the warwas going to hurt their long- range business interests; the wall street journal began criticizingthe continuation of the war. as the war became more and more unpopular,people in or close to the government began to break out of the circle of assent. the most dramatic instance was the case ofdaniel ellsberg. ellsberg was a harvard-trained economist,a former marine officer, employed by the rand corporation, which did special, often secretresearch for the u.s. government. ellsberg helped write the department of defensehistory of the war in vietnam, and then decided to make the top- secret document public, withthe aid of his friend, anthony russo, a former

rand corporation man. the two had met in saigon, where both hadbeen affected, in different experiences, by direct sight of the war, and had become powerfullyindignant at what the united states was doing to the people of vietnam. ellsberg and russo spent night after night,after hours, at a friend's advertising agency, duplicating the 7,000-page document. then ellsberg gave copies to various congressmenand to the new york times. in june 1971, the times began printing selectionsfrom what came to be known as the pentagon papers.

it created a national sensation. the nixon administration tried to get thesupreme court to stop further publication, but the court said this was "prior restraint"of the freedom of the press and thus unconstitutional. the government then indicted ellsberg andrusso for violating the espionage act by releasing classified documents to unauthorized people;they faced long terms in prison if convicted. the judge, however, called off the trial duringthe jury deliberations, because the watergate events unfolding at the time revealed unfairpractices by the prosecution. ellsberg, by his bold act, had broken withthe usual tactic of dissidents inside the government who bided their time and kept theiropinions to themselves, hoping for small changes

in policy. a colleague urged him not to leave the governmentbecause there he had "access," saying, "don't cut yourself off. don't cut your throat." ellsberg replied: "life exists outside theexecutive branch." the antiwar movement, early in its growth,found a strange, new constituency: priests and nuns of the catholic church. some of them had been aroused by the civilrights movement, others by their experiences in latin america, where they saw poverty andinjustice under governments supported by the

united states. in the fall of 1967, father philip berrigan(a josephite priest who was a veteran of world war ii), joined by artist tom lewis and friendsdavid eberhardt and james mengel, went to the office of a draft board in baltimore,maryland, drenched the draft records with blood, and waited to be arrested. they were put on trial and sentenced to prisonterms of two to six years. the following may, philip berrigan-out onbail in the baltimore case-was joined in a second action by his brother daniel, a jesuitpriest who had visited north vietnam and seen the effects of u.s. bombing.

they and seven other people went into a draftboard office in catonsville, maryland, removed records, and set them afire outside in thepresence of reporters and onlookers. they were convicted and sentenced to prison,and became famous as the "catonsville nine." dan berrigan wrote a "meditation" at the timeof the catonsville incident: our apologies, good friends, for the fractureof good order, the burning of paper instead of children, the angering of the orderliesin the front parlour of the charnel house. we could not, so help us god, do otherwise. we say: killing is disorder, life and gentlenessand community and unselfishness is the only order we recognize.

for the sake of that order, we risk our liberty,our good name. the time is past when good men can remainsilent, when obedience can segregate men from public risk, when the poor can die withoutdefense. when his appeals had been exhausted, and hewas supposed to go to prison, daniel berrigan disappeared. while the fbi searched for him, he showedup at an easter festival at cornell university, where he had been teaching. with dozens of fbi men looking for him inthe crowd, he suddenly appeared on stage. then the lights went out, he hid inside agiant figure of the bread and puppet theatre

which was on stage, was carried out to a truck,and escaped to a nearby farmhouse. he stayed underground for four months, writingpoems, issuing statements, giving secret interviews, appearing suddenly in a philadelphia churchto give a sermon and then disappearing again, baffling the fbi, until an informer's interceptionof a letter disclosed his whereabouts and he was captured and imprisoned. the one woman among the catonsville nine,mary moylan, a former nun, also refused to surrender to the fbi. she was never found. writing from underground, she reflected onher experience and how she came to it:

we had all known we were going to jail, sowe all had our toothbrushes. i was just exhausted. i took my little box of clothes and stuckit under the cot and climbed into bed. now all the women in the baltimore countyjail were black-i think there was only one white. the women were waking me up and saying, "aren'tyou going to cry?" i said, "what about?" they said, "you're in jail." and i said, "yeah, i knew i'd be here."

i was sleeping between two of these women,and every morning i'd wake up and they'd be leaning on their elbows watching me. they'd say, "you slept all night." and they couldn't believe it. they were good. we had good times. i suppose the political turning point in mylife came while i was in uganda. i was there when american planes were bombingthe congo, and we were very close to the congo border.

the planes came over and bombed two villagesin uganda. where the hell did, the american planes comein? later i was in dar es salaam and chou en laicame to town. the american embassy sent out letters sayingthat no americans were to be on the street, because this was a dirty communist leader;but i decided this was a man who was making history and i wanted to see him. when i came home from africa i moved to washington,and had to deal with the scene there and the insanity and brutality of the cops and thetype of life that was led by most of the citizens of that city 70 percent black.

and then vietnam, and the napalm and the defoliants,and the bombings. i got involved with the women's movement abouta year ago. at the time of catonsville, going to jailmade sense to me, partially because of the black scene-so many blacks forever fillingthe jails. i don't think it's a valid tactic anymore.... i don't want to see people marching off tojail with smiles on their faces. i just don't want them going. the seventies are going to be very difficult,and i don't want to waste the sisters and brothers we have by marching them off to jailand having mystical experiences or whatever

they're going to have. the effect of the war and of the bold actionof some priests and nuns was to crack the traditional conservatism of the catholic community. on moratorium day 1969, at the newton collegeof the sacred heart near boston, a sanctuary of bucolic quiet and political silence, thegreat front door of the college displayed a huge painted red fist. at boston college, a catholic institution,six thousand people gathered that evening in the gymnasium to denounce the war. students were heavily involved in the earlyprotests against the war.

a survey by the urban research corporation,for the first six months of 1969 only, and for only 232 of the nation’s two thousandinstitutions of higher education, showed that at least 215,000 students had participatedin campus protests, that 3,652 had been arrested, that 956 had been suspended or expelled. even in the high schools, in the late sixties,there were five hundred underground newspapers. at the brown university commencement in 1969,two-thirds of the graduating class turned their backs when henry kissinger stood upto address them. the climax of protest came in the spring of1970 when president nixon ordered the invasion of cambodia.

at kent state university in ohio, on may 4,when students gathered to demonstrate against the war, national guardsmen fired into thecrowd. four students were killed. one was paralysed for life. students at four hundred colleges and universitieswent on strike in protest. it was the first general student strike inthe history of the united states. during that school year of 1969-1970, thefbi listed 1,785 student demonstrations, including the occupation of 313 buildings. the commencement day ceremonies after thekent state killings were unlike any the nation

had ever seen. from amherst, massachusetts, came this newspaperreport: the 100th commencement of the university ofmassachusetts yesterday was a protest, a call for peace. the roll of the funeral drum set the beatfor 2600 young men and women marching "in fear, in despair and in frustration." red fists of protest, white peace symbols,and blue doves were stencilled on black academic gowns, and nearly every other senior worean armband representing a plea for peace. student protests the rotc (reserve officerstraining program) resulted in the cancelling

of those programs in over forty colleges anduniversities. in 1966, 191,749 college students enrolledin rotc. by 1973, the number was 72,459. the rotc was depended on to supply half theofficers in vietnam. in september 1973, for the sixth straightmonth, the rotc could not fulfil its quota. one army official said: "i just hope we don'tget into another war, because if we do, i doubt we could fight it." the publicity given to the student protestscreated the impression that the opposition to the war came mostly from middle-class intellectuals.

when some construction workers in new yorkattacked student demonstrators, the news was played up in the national media. however, a number of elections in americancities, including those where mostly blue-collar workers lived, showed that antiwar sentimentwas strong in the working classes. for instance, in dearborn, michigan, an automobilemanufacturing town, a poll as early as 1967 showed 41 percent of the population favoredwithdrawal from the vietnam war. in 1970, in two counties in california wherepetitioners placed the issue on the ballot—san francisco county and marin county—referendaasking withdrawal of the u.s. forces from vietnam received a majority vote.

in late 1970, when a gallup poll presentedthe statement: "the united states should withdraw all troops from vietnam by the end of nextyear," 65 percent of those questioned said, "yes." in madison, wisconsin, in the spring of 1971,a resolution calling for an immediate withdrawal of u.s. forces from southeast asia won by31,000 to 16,000 (in 1968 such a resolution had lost). but the most surprising data were in a surveymade by the university of michigan. this showed that, throughout the vietnam war,americans with only a grade school education were much stronger for withdrawal from thewar than americans with a college education.

in june 1966, of people with a college education,27 percent were for immediate withdrawal from vietnam; of people with only a grade schooleducation, 41 percent were for immediate withdrawal. by september 1970, both groups were more antiwar:47 percent of the college-educated were for withdrawal, and 61 percent of grade schoolgraduates. there is more evidence of the same kind. in an article in the american sociologicalreview (june 1968), richard f. hamilton found in his survey of public opinion: "preferencesfor 'tough' policy alternatives are most frequent among the following groups, the highly educated,high status occupations, those with high incomes, younger persons, and those paying much attentionto newspapers and magazines."

and a political scientist, harlan hahn, doinga study of various city referenda on vietnam, found support for withdrawal from vietnamhighest in groups of lower socioeconomic status. he also found that the regular polls, basedon samplings, underestimated the opposition to the war among lower class people. all this was part of a general change in theentire population of the country. in august of 1965, 61 percent of the populationthought the american involvement in vietnam was not wrong. by may 1971 it was exactly reversed; 61 percentthought our involvement was wrong. bruce andrews, a harvard student of publicopinion, found that the people most opposed

to the war were people over fifty, blacks,and women. he also noted that a study in the spring of1964, when vietnam was a minor issue in the newspapers, showed that 53 percent of college-educatedpeople were willing to send troops to vietnam, but only 33 percent of grade school educatedpeople were so willing. it seems that the media, themselves controlledby higher-education, higher-income people who were more aggressive in foreign policy,tended to give the erroneous impression that working-class people were super patriots forthe war. lewis lipsitz, in a mid-1968 survey of poorblacks and whites in the south, paraphrased an attitude he found typical: "the only wayto help the poor man is to get out of that

war in vietnam. these taxes high taxes it's going over yonderto kill people with and i don't see no cause in it." the capacity for independent judgement amongordinary americans is probably best shown by the swift development of antiwar feelingamong american gis-volunteers and draftees who came mostly from lower-income groups. there had been, earlier in american history,instances of soldiers' disaffection from the war: isolated mutinies in the revolutionarywar, refusal of reenlistment in the midst of hostilities in the mexican war, desertionand conscientious objection in world war i

and world war ii. but vietnam produced opposition by soldiersand veterans on a scale, and with a fervour, never seen before. it began with isolated protests. as early as june 1965, richard steinke, awest point graduate in vietnam, refused to board an aircraft taking him to a remote vietnamesevillage. "the vietnamese war," he said, "is not wortha single american life." steinke was court martialled and dismissedfrom the service. the following year, three army privates, oneblack, one puerto rican, one lithuanian-italian-all

poor-refused to embark for vietnam, denouncingthe war as "immoral, illegal, and unjust." they were court martialled and imprisoned. in early 1967, captain howard levy, an armydoctor at fort jackson, south carolina, refused to teach green berets, a special forces elitein the military. he said they were "murderers of women andchildren" and "killers of peasants." he was court martialled on the grounds thathe was trying to promote disaffection among enlisted men by his statements. the colonel who presided at the trial said:"the truth of the statements is not an issue in this case."

levy was convicted and sentenced to prison. the individual acts multiplied: a black privatein oakland refused to board a troop plane to vietnam, although he faced eleven yearsat hard labor. a navy nurse, lieutenant susan schnall, wascourt martialled for marching in a peace demonstration while in uniform, and for dropping antiwarleaflets from a plane on navy installations. in norfolk, virginia, a sailor refused totrain fighter pilots because he said the war was immoral. an army lieutenant was arrested in washington,d.c., in early 1968 for picketing the white house with a sign that said: "120,000 americancasualties-why?"

two black marines, george daniels and williamharvey, were given long prison sentences (daniels, six years, harvey, ten years, both later reduced)for talking to other black marines against the war. as the war went on, desertions from the armedforces mounted. thousands went to western europe france, sweden,holland. most deserters crossed into canada; some estimateswere 50,000, others 100,000. some stayed in the united states. a few openly defied the military authoritiesby taking "sanctuary" in churches, where, surrounded by antiwar friends and sympathizers,they waited for capture and court-martial.

at boston university, a thousand studentskept vigil for five days and nights in the chapel, supporting an eighteen-year-old deserter,ray kroll. kroll's story was a common one. he had been inveigled into joining the army;he came from a poor family, was brought into court, charged with drunkenness, and giventhe choice of prison or enlistment. he enlisted. and then he began to think about the natureof the war. on a sunday morning, federal agents showedup at the boston university chapel, stomped their way through aisles clogged with students,smashed down doors, and took kroll away.

from the stockade, he wrote back to friends:"i ain't gonna kill; it's against my will." a friend he had made at the chapel broughthim hooks, and he noted a saying he had found in one of them: "what we have done will notbe lost to all eternity. everything ripens at its time and becomesfruit at its hour." the gi antiwar movement became more organized. near fort jackson, south carolina, the first"gt coffeehouse" was set up, a place where soldiers could get coffee and doughnuts, findantiwar literature, and talk freely with others. it was called the ufo, and lasted for severalyears before it was declared a "public nuisance" and closed by court action.

but other gi coffeehouses sprang up in halfa dozen other places across the country. an antiwar "bookstore" was opened near fortdevens, massachusetts, and another one at the newport, rhode island, naval base. underground newspapers sprang up at militarybases across the country; by 1970 more than fifty were circulating. among them: about face in los angeles; fedup! in tacoma, washington; short times at fort jackson; vietnam gi in chicago; graffitiin heidelberg, germany; bragg briefs in north carolina; last harass at fort gordon, georgia;helping hand at mountain home air base, idaho. these newspapers printed antiwar articles,gave news about the harassment of gis and

practical advice on the legal rights of servicemen,told how to resist military domination. mixed with feeling against the war was resentmentat the cruelty, the dehumanization, of military life. in the army prisons, the stockades, this wasespecially true. in 1968, at the presidio stockade in california,a guard shot to death an emotionally disturbed prisoner for walking away from a work detail. twenty-seven prisoners then sat down and refusedto work, singing "we shall overcome." they were court-martialed, found guilty ofmutiny, and sentenced to terms of up to fourteen years, later reduced after much public attentionand protest.

the dissidence spread to the war front itself. when the great moratorium day demonstrationswere taking place in october 1969 in the united states, some gis in vietnam wore black armbandsto show their support. a news photographer reported that in a platoonon patrol near da nang, about half of the men were wearing black armbands. one soldier stationed at cu chi wrote to afriend on october 26, 1970, that separate companies had been set up for men refusingto go into the field to fight. "it's no big thing here anymore to refuseto go." the french newspaper le monde reported thatin four months, 109 soldiers of the first

air cavalry division were charged with refusalto fight. "a common sight," the correspondent for lemonde wrote, "is the black soldier, with his left fist clenched in defiance of a war hehas never considered his own." wallace terry, a black american reporter fortime magazine, taped conversations with hundreds of black soldiers; he found bitterness againstarmy racism, disgust with the war, generally low morale. more and more cases of "fragging" were reportedin vietnam—incidents where servicemen rolled fragmentation bombs under the tents of officerswho were ordering them into combat, or against whom they had other grievances.

the pentagon reported 209 fraggings in vietnamin 1970 alone. veterans back from vietnam formed a groupcalled vietnam veterans against the war. in december 1970, hundreds of them went todetroit to what was called the "winter soldier" investigations, to testify publicly aboutatrocities they had participated in or seen in vietnam, committed by americans againstvietnamese. in april 1971 more than a thousand of themwent to washington, d.c., to demonstrate against one by one, they went up to a wire fence aroundthe capitol, threw over the fence the medals they had won in vietnam, and made brief statementsabout the war, sometimes emotionally, sometimes in icy, bitter calm.

in the summer of 1970, twenty-eight commissionedofficers of the military, including some veterans of vietnam, saying they represented about250 other officers, announced formation of the concerned officers movement against thewar. during the fierce bombings of hanoi and haiphong,around christmas 1972, came the first defiance of b-52 pilots who refused to fly those missions. on june 3, 1973, the new york times reporteddropouts among west point cadets. officials there, the reporter wrote, "linkedthe rate to an affluent, less disciplined, sceptical, and questioning generation andto the anti-military mood that a small radical minority and the vietnam war had created."

but most of the antiwar action came from ordinarygis, and most of these came from lower-income groups white, black, native american, chinese,and chicano. (chicanos back home were demonstrating bythe thousands against the war.) a twenty-year-old new york city chinese- americannamed sam choy enlisted at seventeen in the army, was sent to vietnam, was made a cook,and found himself the target of abuse by fellow gis, who called him "chink" and "gook" (theterm for the vietnamese) and said he looked like the enemy. one day he took a rifle and fired warningshots at his tormenters. "by this time i was near the perimeter ofthe base and was thinking of joining the viet

cong; at least they would trust me." choy was taken by military police, beaten,court martialled, sentenced to eighteen months of hard labor at fort leaven worth. "they beat me up every day, like a time clock." he ended his interview with a new york chinatownnewspaper saying: "one thing: i want to tell all the chinese kids that the army made mesick. they made me so sick that i can't stand it." a dispatch from phu bai in april 1972 saidthat fifty gis out of 142 men in the company refused to go on patrol, crying: "this isn'tour war!"

the new york times on july 14, 1973, reportedthat american prisoners of war in vietnam, ordered by officers in the pow camp to stopcooperating with the enemy, shouted back: "who's the enemy?" they formed a peace committee in the camp,and a sergeant on the committee later recalled his march from capture to the pow camp:until we got to the first camp, we didn't see a village intact; they were all destroyed. i sat down and put myself in the middle andasked myself: is this right or wrong? is it right to destroy villages? is it right to kill people en masse?

after a while it just got to me. pentagon officials in washington and navyspokesmen in san diego announced, after the united states withdrew its troops from vietnamin 1973, that the navy was going to purge itself of "undesirables"-and that these includedas many as six thousand men in the pacific fleet, "a substantial proportion of them black." all together, about 700,000 gis had receivedless than honourable discharges. in the year 1973, one of every five dischargeswas "less than honourable," indicating something less than dutiful obedience to the military. by 1971, 177 of every 1,000 american soldierswere listed as "absent without leave," some

of them three or four times. deserters doubled from 47,000 in 1967 to 89,000in 1971. one of those who stayed, fought, but thenturned against the war was ron kovic. his father worked in a supermarket on longisland. in 1963, at the age of seventeen, he enlistedin the marines. two years later, in vietnam, at the age ofnineteen, his spine was shattered by shellfire. paralysed from the waist down, he was putin a wheelchair. back in the states, he observed the brutaltreatment of wounded veterans in the veterans' hospitals, thought more and more about thewar, and joined the vietnam veterans against

the war. he went to demonstrations to speak againstthe war. one evening he heard actor donald sutherlandread from the post-world war i novel by dalton trumbo, johnny got his gun, about a soldierwhose limbs and face were shot away by gunfire, a thinking torso who invented a way of communicatingwith the outside world and then beat out a message so powerful it could not be heardwithout trembling. sutherland began to read the passage and somethingi will never forget swept over me. it was as if someone was speaking for everythingi ever went through in the hospital. i began to shake and i remember there weretears in my eyes.

kovic demonstrated against the war, and wasarrested. he tells his story in born on the fourth ofjuly: they help me back into the chair and takeme to another part of the prison building to be booked. "what's your name?" the officer behind the desk says. "ron kovic," i say. "occupation, vietnam veteran against the war." "what?"

he says sarcastically, looking down at me. "i'm a vietnam veteran against the war," ialmost shout back. "you should have died over there," he says. he turns to his assistant. "i'd like to take this guy and throw him offthe roof." they fingerprint me and take my picture andput me in a cell. i have begun to wet my pants like a littlebaby. the tube has slipped out during my examinationby the doctor. i try to fall asleep but even though i amexhausted, the anger is alive in me like a

huge hot stone in my chest. i lean my head up against the wall and listento the toilets flush again and again. kovic and the other veterans drove to miamito the republican national convention in 1972, went into the convention hall, wheeled themselvesdown the aisles, and as nixon began his acceptance speech shouted, "stop the bombing! stop the war!" delegates cursed them: "traitor!" and secretservice men hustled them out of the hall. in the fall of 1973, with no victory in sightand north vietnamese troops entrenched in various parts of the south, the united statesagreed to accept a settlement that would withdraw

american troops and leave the revolutionarytroops where they were, until a new elected government would be set up including communistand non-communist elements. but the saigon government refused to agree,and the united states decided to make one final attempt to bludgeon the north vietnameseinto submission. it sent waves of b-52s over hanoi and haiphong,destroying homes and hospitals, killing unknown numbers of civilians. the attack did not work. many of the b-52s were shot down, there wasangry protest all over the world-and kissinger went back to paris and signed very much thesame peace agreement that had been agreed

on before. the united states withdrew its forces, continuingto give aid to the saigon government, but when the north vietnamese launched attacksin early 1975 against the major cities in south vietnam, the government collapsed. in late april 1975, north vietnamese troopsentered saigon. the american embassy staff fled, along withmany vietnamese who feared communist rule, and the long war in vietnam was over. saigon was renamed ho chi minh city, and bothparts of vietnam were unified as the democratic republic of vietnam.

traditional history portrays the end of warsas coming from the initiatives of leaders-negotiations in paris or brussels or geneva or versaillesjust as it often finds the coming of war a response to the demand of "the people." the vietnam war gave clear evidence that atleast for that war (making one wonder about the others) the political leaders were thelast to take steps to end the war "the people " were far ahead. the president was always far behind. the supreme court silently turned away fromcases challenging the constitutionality of congress was years behind public opinion.

in the spring of 1971, syndicated columnistsrowland evans and robert novak, two firm supporters of the war, wrote regretfully of a "suddenoutbreak of anti-war emotionalism" in the house of representatives, and said: "the anti-waranimosities now suddenly so pervasive among house democrats are viewed by administrationbackers as less anti-nixon than as a response to constituent pressures." it was only after the intervention in cambodiaended, and only after the nationwide campus uproar over that invasion, that congress passeda resolution declaring that american troops should not be sent into cambodia without itsapproval. and it was not until late 1973, when americantroops had finally been removed from vietnam,

that congress passed a bill limiting the powerof the president to make war without congressional consent; even there, in that "war powers resolution,"the president could make war for sixty days on his own without a congressional declaration. the administration tried to persuade the americanpeople that the war was ending because of its decision to negotiate a peace-not becauseit was losing the war, not because of the powerful antiwar movement in the united states. but the government's own secret memorandaall through the war testify to its sensitivity at each stage about "public opinion" in theunited states and abroad. the data is in the pentagon papers.

in june of 1964, top american military andstate department officials, including ambassador henry cabot lodge, met in honolulu. "rusk stated that public opinion on our seapolicy was badly divided and that, therefore, the president needed an affirmation of support." diem had been replaced by a general namedkhanh. the pentagon historians write: "upon his returnto saigon on june 5 ambassador lodge went straight from the airport to call on generalkhanh the main thrust of his talk with khanh was to hint that the united states governmentwould in the immediate future be preparing u.s. public opinion for actions against northvietnam."

two months later came the gulf of tonkin affair. on april 2, 1965, a memo from cia directorjohn mccone suggested that the bombing of north vietnam be increased because it was"not sufficiently severe" to change north vietnam's policy. "on the other hand ... we can expect increasingpressure to stop the bombing from various elements of the american public, from thepress, the united nations and world opinion." the u.s. should try for a fast knockout beforethis opinion could build up, mccone said. assistant secretary of defense john mcnaughton'smemo of early 1966 suggested destruction of locks and dams to create mass starvation,because "strikes at population targets" would

"create a counterproductive wave of revulsionabroad and at home." in may 1967, the pentagon historians write:"mcnaughton was also very deeply concerned about the breadth and intensity of publicunrest and dissatisfaction with the war especially with young people, the underprivileged, theintelligentsia and the women." mcnaughton worried: "will the move to callup 20,000 reserves polarize opinion to the extent that the 'doves' in the united stateswill get out of hand-massive refusals to serve, or to fight, or to cooperate, or worse?" he warned:there may be a limit beyond which many americans and much of the world will not permit theunited states to go.

the picture of the world's greatest superpowerkilling or seriously injuring 1000 non-combatants a week, while trying to pound a tiny backwardnation into submission, on an issue whose merits are hotly disputed, is not a prettyone. it could conceivably produce a costly distortionin the american national consciousness. that "costly distortion" seems to have takenplace by the spring of 1968, when, with the sudden and scary tet offensive of the nationalliberation front, westmoreland asked president johnson to send him 200,000 more troops ontop of the 525,000 already there. johnson asked a small group of "action officers"in the pentagon to advise him on this. they studied the situation and concluded that200,000 troops would totally americanise the

war and would not strengthen the saigon governmentbecause: "the saigon leadership shows no signs of a willingness let alone an ability to attractthe necessary loyalty or support of the people ." furthermore, the report said, sending troopswould mean mobilizing reserves, increasing the military budget. there would he more u.s. casualties, moretaxes. and:this growing disaffection accompanied as it certainly will be, by increased defiance ofthe draft and growing unrest in the cities because of the belief that we are neglectingdomestic problems, runs great risks of provoking a domestic crisis of unprecedented proportions.

the "growing unrest in the cities" must havebeen a reference to the black uprisings that had taken place in 1967—and showed the link,whether blacks deliberately made it or not between the war abroad and poverty at home. the evidence from the pentagon papers is clearthat johnson's decision in the spring of 1968 to turn down westmoreland's request, to slowdown for the first time the escalation of the war, to diminish the bombing, to go tothe conference table, was influenced to a great extent by the actions americans hadtaken in demonstrating their opposition to when nixon took office, he too tried to persuadethe public that protest would not affect him. but he almost went berserk when one lone pacifistpicketed the white house.

the frenzy of nixon's actions against dissidents-plansfor burglaries, wiretapping, mail openings-suggests the importance of the antiwar movement inthe minds of national leaders. one sign that the ideas of the antiwar movementhad taken hold in the american public was that juries became more reluctant to convictantiwar protesters, and local judges too were treating them differently. in washington, by 1971, judges were dismissingcharges against demonstrators in cases where two years before they almost certainly wouldhave been sent to jail. the antiwar groups who had raided draft boardsthe baltimore four, the catonsville nine, the milwaukee fourteen, the boston five, andmore were receiving lighter sentences for

the same crimes. the last group of draft board raiders, the"camden 28," were priests, nuns, and laypeople who raided a draft board in camden, new jersey,in august 1971. it was essentially what the baltimore fourhad done four years earlier, when all were convicted and phil berrigan got six yearsin prison. but in this instance, the camden defendantswere acquitted by the jury on all counts. when the verdict was in, one of the jurors,a fifty-three-year-old black taxi driver from atlantic city named samuel braithwaite, whohad spent eleven years in the army, left a letter for the defendants:to you, the clerical physicians with your

god given talents, i say, well done. well done for trying to heal the sick irresponsiblemen, men who were chosen by the people to govern and lead them. these men, who failed the people, by rainingdeath and destruction on a hapless country. you went out to do your part while your brothersremained in their ivory towers watching and hopefully some day in the near future, peaceand harmony may reign to people of all nations. that was in may of 1973. the american troops were leaving vietnam. revolutionary movement in a tiny, peasantcountry-and failed. when the united states

fought in vietnam, it was organized moderntechnology versus organized human beings, and the human beings won.in the course of that war, there developed in the united states the greatest antiwarmovement the nation had ever experienced, a movement that played a critical part inbringing the war to an end. it was another startling fact of the sixties.in the fall of 1945 japan, defeated, was forced to leave indochina, the former french colonyit had occupied at the start of the war. in the meantime, a revolutionary movement hadgrown there, determined to end colonial control and to achieve a new life for the peasantsof indochina. led by a communist named ho chi minh, the revolutionists fought againstthe japanese, and when they were gone held

a spectacular celebration in hanoi in late1945, with a million people in the streets, and issued a declaration of independence.it borrowed from the declaration of the rights of man and the citizen, in the french revolution,and from the american declaration of independence, and began: "all men are created equal. theyare endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; among these are life,liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." just as the americans in 1776 had listed theirgrievances against the english king, the vietnamese listed their complaints against french rule:they have enforced inhuman laws. they have built more prisons than schools. they havemercilessly slain our patriots; they have drowned uprisings in rivers of blood. theyhave fettered public opinion. they have robbed

us of our rice fields, our mines, our forests,and our raw materials. for incoming allied occupation forces. fora few weeks in september, 1945, vietnam was for the first and only time in its modernhistory free of foreign domination, and united from north to south under ho chi minh.the western powers were already at work to change this. england occupied the southernpart of indochina and then turned it back to the french. nationalist china (this wasunder chiang kai- shek, before the communist revolution) occupied the northern part ofindochina, and the united states persuaded it to turn that back to the french. as hochi minh told an american journalist: "we apparently stand quite alone. we shall haveto depend on ourselves."

truman, reminding him of the self-determinationpromises of the atlantic charter. one of the letters was sent both to truman and to theunited nations: matter. two million vietnamese died of starvationduring winter of 1944 and spring 1945 because rice. three fourths of cultivated land wasflooded in summer 1945, which was followed by a severe drought; of normal harvest five-sixthswas lost. many people are starving. unless great world powers and international relieforganizations bring us immediate assistance we face imminent catastrophe.truman never replied. united states began giving large amounts ofmilitary aid to the french. by 1954, the united states had given 300,000 small arms and machineguns, enough to equip the entire french army

in indochina, and $1 billion; all together,the u.s. was financing 80 percent of the french war effort.why was the united states doing this? to the public, the word was that the united stateswas helping to stop communism in asia, but there was not much public discussion. in thesecret memoranda of the national security council (which advised the president on foreignpolicy) there was talk in 1950 of what came to be known as the "domino theory"—that,like a row of dominoes, if one country fell to communism, the next one would do the sameand so on. it was important therefore to keep the first one from falling.a secret memo of the national security council in june 1952 also pointed to the chain ofu.s. military bases along the coast of china,

the philippines, taiwan, japan, south korea:communist control of all of southeast asia would render the u.s. position in the pacificoffshore island chain precarious and would seriously jeopardize fundamental u.s. securityinterests in the far east. strategically important commodities.it was also noted that japan depended on the rice of southeast asia, and communist victorythere would "make it extremely difficult to prevent japan's eventual accommodation tocommunism." in rice, rubber, coal and iron ore. its positionmakes it a strategic key to the rest of southeast asia." that year, a state department memorandumsaid that the french were losing the war in indochina, had failed "to win a sufficientnative support," feared that a negotiated

settlement "would mean the eventual loss tocommunism not only of indo-china but of the whole of southeast asia," and concluded: "ifthe french actually decided to withdraw, the u.s. would have to consider most seriouslywhether to take over in this area. and the vietminh. it was agreed that the frenchwould temporarily withdraw into the southern part of vietnam, that the vietminh would remainin the north, and that an election would take place in two years in a unified vietnam toenable the vietnamese to choose their own government.the united states moved quickly to prevent the unification and to establish south vietnamas an american sphere. it set up in saigon as head of the government a former vietnameseofficial named ngo dinh diem, who had recently

been living in new jersey, and encouragedhim not to hold the scheduled elections for unification. a memo in early 1954 of the jointchiefs of staff said that intelligence estimates showed "a settlement based on free electionswould be attended by almost certain loss of the associated states [laos, cambodia, andvietnam-the three parts of indochina created by the geneva conference] to communist control."diem again and again blocked the elections requested by the vietminh, and with americanmoney and arms his government became more and more firmly established. as the pentagonpapers put it: "south viet nam was essentially the creation of the united states."the diem regime became increasingly unpopular. and this was a country of peasants. his pretencesat land reform left things basically as they

were. he replaced locally selected provincialchiefs with his own men, appointed in saigon; by 1962, 88 percent of these provincial chiefswere military men. diem imprisoned more and more vietnamese who criticized the regimefor corruption, for lack of reform. and around 1958 guerrilla activities beganagainst the regime. the communist regime in hanoi gave aid, encouragement, and sent peoplesouth-most of them southerners who had gone north after the geneva accords-to supportthe guerrilla movement. in 1960, the national liberation front was formed in the south.it united the various strands of opposition to the regime; its strength came from southvietnamese peasants, who saw it as a way of changing their daily lives. a u.s. governmentanalyst named douglas pike, in his book viet

cong, based on interviews with rebels andcaptured documents, tried to give a realistic assessment of what the united states faced:in the 2561 villages of south vietnam, the in a country where mass organizations werevirtually non-existent. aside from the nlf there had never been a truly mass-based politicalparty in south vietnam. social change and have done so largely bymeans of the communication process." that is, they were organizers much more than theywere warriors. "what struck me most forcibly about the nlf was its totality as a socialrevolution first and as a war second." pike was impressed with the mass involvement ofthe peasants in the movement. "the rural vietnamese was not regarded simply as a pawn in a powerstruggle but as the active element in the

thrust. he was the thrust." pike wrote:the purpose of this vast organizational effort themselves. this was the nlf's one undeviatingthrust from the start. not the killing of arvn (saigon) soldiers, not the occupationof real estate, not the preparation for some great pitched battle but organization in depthof the rural population through the instrument of self-control.pike estimated that the nlf membership by early 1962 stood at around 300,000. the pentagonpapers said of this period: "only the viet cong had any real support and influence ona broad base in the countryside." in southeast asia. almost immediately, heapproved a secret plan for various military actions in vietnam and laos, including the"dispatch of agents to north vietnam" to engage

in "sabotage and light harassment," accordingto the pentagon papers. back in 1956, he had spoken of "the amazing success of presidentdiem" and said of diem's vietnam: "her political liberty is an inspiration."one day in june 1963, a buddhist monk sat down in the public square in saigon and sethimself afire. more buddhist monks began committing suicide by fire to dramatize their oppositionto the diem regime. diem's police raided the buddhist pagodas and temples, wounded thirtymonks, arrested 1,400 people, and closed down the pagodas. there were demonstrations inthe city. the police fired, killing nine people. in southern vietnam. eisenhower secretly sentseveral thousand. under kennedy, the figure rose to sixteen thousand, and some of thembegan to take part in combat operations. diem

was losing. most of the south vietnam countrysidewas now controlled by local villagers organized by the nlf.diem was becoming an embarrassment, an obstacle to effective control over vietnam. some vietnamesegenerals began plotting to overthrow his regime, staying in touch with a cta man named lucienconein. conein met secretly with american ambassador henry cabot lodge, who was enthusiasticallyfor the coup. lodge reported to kennedy's assistant, mcgeorge bundy, on october 25 (pentagonpapers): "i have personally approved each meeting between general iran van don and coneinwho has carried out my orders in each instance explicitly." kennedy seemed hesitant, butno move was made to warn diem. indeed, just before the coup, and just after he had beenin touch through conein with the plotters,

lodge spent a weekend with diem at a seasideresort. when, on november 1, 1963, the generals attacked the presidential palace, diem phonedambassador lodge, and the conversation went as follows:diem: some units have made a rebellion and lodge: i do not feel well enough informedto be able to tell you. i have heard the shooting, but am not acquainted with all of the facts.also, it is 4:30 a.m. in washington and the u.s. government cannot possibly have a view.diem: but you must have some general ideas. that was the last conversation any americanhad with diem. he fled the palace, but he and his brother were apprehended by the plotters,taken out in a truck, and executed. earlier in 1963, kennedy's undersecretaryof state, u. alexis johnson, was speaking

before the economic club of detroit:what is the attraction that southeast asia has exerted for centuries on the great powersflanking it on all sides? why is it desirable, and why is it important? first, it providesa lush climate, fertile soil, rich natural resources, a relatively sparse populationin most areas, and room to expand. the countries of southeast asia produce rich exportablesurpluses such as rice, rubber, teak, corn, tin, spices, oil, and many others.this is not the language that was used by president kennedy in his explanations to theamerican public. he talked of communism and freedom. in a news conference february 14,1962, he said; "yes, as you know, the u.s. for more than a decade has been assistingthe government, the people of vietnam, to

maintain their independence."three weeks after the execution of diem, kennedy himself was assassinated, and his vice- president,lyndon johnson, took office. the generals who succeeded diem could notsuppress the national liberation front. again, and again, american leaders expressed theirbewilderment at the popularity of the nlf, at the high morale of its soldiers. the pentagonhistorians wrote that when eisenhower met with president- elect kennedy in january 1961,he "wondered aloud why, in interventions of this kind, we always seemed to find that themorale of the communist forces was better than that of the democratic forces." and generalmaxwell taylor reported in late 1964: losses is one of the mysteries of the guerrillawar. not only do the viet-cong units have

the recuperative powers of the phoenix, butthey have an amazing ability to maintain morale. recorded in captured viet cong documents.in early august 1964, president johnson used a murky set of events in the gulf of tonkin,off the coast of north vietnam, to launch full-scale war on vietnam. johnson and secretaryof defense robert mcnamara told the american public there was an attack by north vietnamesetorpedo boats on american destroyers. "while on routine patrol in international waters,"mcnamara said, "the u.s. destroyer maddox underwent an unprovoked attack." it laterturned out that the gulf of tonkin episode was a fake, that the highest american officialshad lied to the public-just as they had in the invasion of cuba under kennedy. in fact,the cia had engaged in a secret operation

attacking north vietnamese coastal installations—soif there had been an attack it would not have been "unprovoked." it was not a "routine patrol,"because the maddox was on a special electronic spying mission. and it was not in internationalwaters but in vietnamese territorial waters. it turned out that no torpedoes were firedat the maddox, as mcnamara said. another reported attack on another destroyer, two nights later,which johnson called "open aggression on the high seas," seems also to have been an invention.at the time of the incident, secretary of state rusk was questioned on nbc television:the tonkin "attack" brought a congressional resolution, passed unanimously in the house,and with only two dissenting votes in the senate, giving johnson the power to take militaryaction as he saw fit in southeast asia.

discussed such a resolution. rusk said, inthis meeting, according to the pentagon papers, that "public opinion on our southeast asiapolicy was badly divided in the united states at the moment and that, therefore, the presidentneeded an affirmation of support." declaration of war by congress that the constitutionrequired. the supreme court, supposed to be the watchdog of the constitution, was askedby a number of petitioners in the course of the vietnam war to declare the war unconstitutional.again, and again, it refused even to consider the issue.immediately after the tonkin affair, american warplanes began bombarding north vietnam.during 1965, over 200,000 american soldiers were sent to south vietnam, and in 1966, 200,000more. by early 1968, there were more than

500,000 american troops there, and the u.s.air force was dropping bombs at a rate unequalled in history. tiny glimmerings of the massivehuman suffering under this bombardment came to the outside world. on june 5, 1965, thenew york times carried a dispatch from saigon: the hills into which they were headed. manyvietnamese one estimate is as high as 500—were killed by the strikes. the american contentionis that they were vietcong soldiers. but three out of four patients seeking treatment ina vietnamese hospital afterward for burns in 1965. a temple of the cao dai religioussect in the same area had been bombed twice this year.in another delta province, there is a woman who has both arms burned off by napalm andher eyelids so badly burned that she cannot

close them. when it is time for her to sleep,her family puts a blanket over her head. the woman had two of her children killed in theair strike that maimed her. civilians are dying every day in south vietnam.large areas of south vietnam were declared "free fire zones," which meant that all personsremaining within them-civilians, old people, children were considered an enemy, and bombswere dropped at will. villages suspected of harbouring viet cong were subject to "searchand destroy" missions—men of military age in the villages were killed, the homes wereburned, the women, children, and old people were sent off to refugee camps. jonathan schell,in his book the village of ben suc, describes such an operation: a village surrounded, attacked,a man riding on a bicycle shot down, three

people picnicking by the river shot to death,the houses destroyed, the women, children, old people herded together, taken away fromtheir ancestral homes. of the communist underground. a pro-administrationanalyst wrote in the journal foreign affairs in january 1975: "although the phoenix programdid undoubtedly kill or incarcerate many innocent civilians, it did also eliminate many membersof the communist infrastructure." and often beaten and tortured, american advisersobserved and sometimes participated. the red cross observers found continuing, systematicbrutality at the two principal vietnamese pow camps—at phu quoc and qui nhon, whereamerican advisers were stationed. bomb for every human being in vietnam. itwas estimated that there were 20 million bomb

craters in the country. in addition, poisonoussprays were dropped by planes to destroy trees and any kind of growth—an area the sizeof the state of massachusetts was covered with such poison. vietnamese mothers reportedbirth defects in their children. yale biologists, using the same poison 2 4 5 t, on mice, reporteddefective mice born and said they had no reason to believe the effect on humans was different.on march 16, 1968, a company of american soldiers went into the hamlet of my lai 4, in quangngai province. they rounded up the inhabitants, including old people and women with infantsin their arms. these people were ordered into a ditch, where they were methodically shotto death by american soldiers. the testimony of james dursi, a rifleman, at the later trialof lieutenant william calley, was reported

in the new york times:lieutenant calley and a weeping rifleman named pushed the prisoners into the ditch."there was an order to shoot by lieutenant calley, i can't remember the exact words-itwas something like 'start firing.' "i was crying. "i said, 'i can't. i won't.'"then lieutenant calley and meadlo pointed their rifles into the ditch and fired."people were diving on top of each other; mothers were trying to protect their children."journalist seymour hersh, in his book my lai 4, writes:when army investigators reached the barren area in november, 1969, in connection withthe my lai probe in the united states, they found mass graves at three sites, as wellas a ditch full of bodies. it was estimated

that between 450 and 500 people -most of themwomen, children and old men-had been slain and buried there.the army tried to cover up what happened. there were photos taken of the killing byan army photographer, ronald haeberle. seymour hersh, then working for an antiwar news agencyin southeast asia called dispatch news service, wrote about it. the story of the massacrehad appeared in may 1968 in two french publications, one called sud vietnam en lutte, and anotherpublished by the north vietnamese delegation to the peace talks in paris-but the americanpress did not pay any attention. calley was found guilty. he was sentencedto life imprisonment, but his sentence was reduced twice; he served three years-nixonordered that he be under house arrest rather

than a regular prison-and then was paroled.thousands of americans came to his defense. many similar atrocities. colonel oran henderson,who had been charged with covering up the my lai killings, told reporters in early 1971:"every unit of brigade size has it’s my lai hidden someplace."indeed, my lai was unique only in its details. proud of myself, my friends, or my country.we burned every hut in sight! it was a small rural network of villages andthe people were incredibly poor. my unit burned and plundered their meagre possessions. letme try to explain the situation to you. the huts here are thatched palm leaves. eachone has a dried mud bunker inside. these bunkers are to protect the families. kind of likeair raid shelters.

my unit commanders, however, chose to thinkthat these bunkers are offensive. so, every hut we find that has a bunker we are orderedto burn to the ground. out of each "chopper", we were firing themoment we hit the ground. we fired into all the huts we could.it is then that we burned these huts. everyone is crying, begging and praying that we don'tseparate them and take their husbands and fathers, sons and grandfathers. the womenwail and moan. then they watch in terror as we burn theirhomes, personal possessions and food. yes, we burn all rice and shoot all livestock.the more unpopular became the saigon government, the more desperate the military effort becameto make up for this. a secret congressional

report of late 1967 said the viet cong weredistributing about five times more land to the peasants than the south vietnamese government,whose land distribution program had come "to a virtual standstill." the report said: "theviet cong have eliminated landlord domination and reallocated lands owned by absentee landlordsand the g.v.n. [government of viet nam] to the landless and others who cooperate withviet cong authorities." warning the government. the nlf thus launcheda surprise offensive (it was the time of "tet," their new year holiday) that carried theminto the heart of saigon, immobilized tan san nhut airfield, even occupied the americanembassy briefly. the offensive was beaten back, but it demonstrated that all the enormousfirepower delivered on vietnam by the united

states had not destroyed the nlf, its morale,its popular support, its will to fight. it caused a reassessment in the american government,more doubts among the american people. result, suggested a different strategy. theair strikes on villages, he said, would "create a counterproductive wave of revulsion abroadand at home." he suggested instead: destruction of locks and dams, however ifhandled right might offer promise. it should be studied. such destruction doesn't killor drown people. by shallow-flooding the rice, it leads after a time to widespread starvation(more than a million?) unless food is provided which, we could offer to do "at the conferencetable." as a target system."meanwhile, just across the border of vietnam,

in a neighbouring country, laos, where a right-winggovernment installed by the cia faced a rebellion, one of the most beautiful areas in the world,the plain of jars, was being destroyed by bombing. this was not reported by the governmentor the press, but an american who lived in laos, fred branfman, told the story in hisbook voices from the plain of jars: society levelled.branfman, who spoke the laotian language and lived in a village with a laotian family,interviewed hundreds of refugees from the bombing who poured into the capital city ofvientiane. he recorded their statements and preserved their drawings. a twenty-six-year-oldnurse from xieng khouang told of her life in her village:i was at one with the earth, the air, the

upland fields, the paddy and the seedbedsof my village. each day and night in the light of the moon i and my friends from the villagewould wander, calling out and singing, through forest and field, amidst the cries of thebirds. during the harvesting and planting season, we would sweat and labor together,under the sun and the rain, contending with poverty and miserable conditions, continuingthe farmer's life which has been the profession of our ancestors.but in 1964 and 1965 i could feel the trembling of the earth and the shock from the soundsof arms exploding around my village. i began to hear the noise of airplanes, circling aboutin the heavens. one of them would stick its head down and, plunging earthward, loose aloud roar, shocking the heart as light and

smoke covered everything so that one couldnot see anything at all. each day we would exchange news with the neighbouring villagersof the bombings that had occurred: the damaged houses, the injured and the dead.the holes! the holes! during that time, we needed holes to save our lives. we who wereyoung took our sweat and our strength, which should have been spent raising food in therice fields and forests to sustain our lives, and squandered it digging holes to protectourselves. had not been very good, for men had mistreatedand made fun of women as the weaker sex. but after the neo lao party began to administerthe region it became very different under as brave as men. for example: although i hadgone to school before, my elders advised me

not to. they had said that it would not beuseful for me as i could not hope to be a high-ranking official after graduation, thatonly the children of the elite or rich could expect that.but the neo lao said that women should have the same education as men, and they gave usequal privileges and did not allow anyone to make fun of us.and the old associations were changed into new ones. for example, most of the new teachersand doctors trained were women. and they changed the lives of the very poor. for they sharedthe land of those who had many rice fields with those who had none.a seventeen-year-old boy told about the pathet lao revolutionary army coming to his village:some people were afraid, mostly those with

money. they offered cows to the pathet laosoldiers to eat, but the soldiers refused to take them. if they did take them, theypaid a suitable price. the truth is that they led the people not to be afraid of anything.then they organized the election of village and canton chief, and the people were theones who chose them. to the deaths of thousands of hmong. thiswas accompanied by secrecy and lying, as was so much of what happened in laos. in september1973, a former government official in laos, jerome doolittle, wrote in the new york times:the pentagon's most recent lies about bombing the american embassy in vientiane, laos.why did we bother to lie? this was a lie. every reporter to whom i toldit knew it was a lie. hanoi knew it was a

lie. the international control commissionknew it was a lie. every interested congressman and newspaper reader knew it was a lie.after all, the lies did serve to keep something from somebody, and the somebody was us.by early 1968, the cruelty of the war began touching the conscience of many americans.for many others, the problem was that the united states was unable to win the war, while40,000 american soldiers were dead by this time, 250,000 wounded, with no end in sight.(the vietnam casualties were many times this number.)lyndon johnson had escalated a brutal war and failed to win it. his popularity was atan all-time low; he could not appear publicly without a demonstration against him and thewar. the chant "lbj, lbj, how many kids did

you kill today?" was heard in demonstrationsthroughout the country. in the spring of 1968 johnson announced he would not run again forpresident, and that negotiations for peace would begin with the vietnamese in paris.in the fall of 1968, richard nixon, pledging that he would get the united states out ofvietnam, was elected president. he began to withdraw troops; by february 1972, less than150,000 were left. but the bombing continued. using american money and air power, wouldcarry on the war. nixon was not ending the war; he was ending the most unpopular aspectof it, the involvement of american soldiers on the soil of a faraway country.in the spring of 1970, nixon and secretary of state henry kissinger launched an invasionof cambodia, after a long bombardment that

the government never disclosed to the public.the invasion not only led to an outcry of protest in the united states, it was a militaryfailure, and congress resolved that nixon could not use american troops in extendingthe war without congressional approval. the following year, without american troops, theunited states supported a south vietnamese invasion of laos. this too failed. in 1971,800,000 tons of bombs were dropped by the united states on laos, cambodia, vietnam.meantime, the saigon military regime, headed by president nguyen van thieu, the last ofa long succession of saigon chiefs of state, was keeping thousands of opponents in jail.some of the first signs of opposition in the united states to the vietnam war came outof the civil rights movement-perhaps because

the experience of black people with the governmentled them to distrust any claim that it was fighting for freedom. on the very day thatlyndon johnson was telling the nation in early august 1964 about the gulf of tonkin incident,and announcing the bombing of north vietnam, black and white activists were gathering nearphiladelphia, mississippi, at a memorial service for the three civil rights workers killedthere that summer. one of the speakers pointed bitterly to johnson's use of force in asia,comparing it with the violence used against blacks in mississippi.in mid-1965, in mccomb, mississippi, young blacks who had just learned that a classmateof theirs was killed in vietnam distributed a leaflet:no mississippi negroes should be fighting

in viet nam for the white man's freedom, untilall the negro people are free in mississippi. negro boys should not honor the draft herein mississippi. mothers should encourage their sons not to go.no one has a right to ask us to risk our lives and kill other coloured people in santo domingoand viet nam, so that the white american can get richer.when secretary of defense robert mcnamara visited mississippi and praised senator johnstennis, a prominent racist, as a "man of very genuine greatness," white and black studentsmarched in protest, with placards saying "in memory of the burned children of vietnam."the student nonviolent coordinating committee declared in early 1966 that "the united statesis pursuing an aggressive policy in violation

of international law" and called for withdrawalfrom vietnam. that summer, six members of sncc were arrested for an invasion of an inductioncentre in atlanta. they were convicted and sentenced to several years in prison. aroundthe same time, julian bond, a sncc activist who had just been elected to the georgia houseof representatives, spoke out against the war and the draft, and the house voted thathe not be seated because his statements violated the selective service act and "tend to bringdiscredit to the house." the supreme court restored bond to his seat, saying he had theright to free expression under the first amendment. away his title as champion. martin lutherking, jr., spoke out in 1967 at riverside church in new york:somehow this madness must cease. we must stop

now. i speak as a child of god and brotherto the suffering poor of vietnam. i speak for those whose land is being laid waste,whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor ofamerica who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home and death and corruptionin vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the pathwe have taken. i speak as an american to the leaders of my own nation. the great initiativein this war is ours. the initiative to stop it must be ours.young men began to refuse to register for the draft, refused to be inducted if called.as early as may 1964 the slogan "we won't go" was widely publicized. some who had registeredbegan publicly burning their draft cards to

protest the war. one, david o'brien, burnedhis draft card in south boston; he was convicted, and the supreme court overruled his argumentthat this was a protected form of free expression. alone, three hundred draft cards were returnedto the government. just before a huge demonstration at the pentagon that month, a sack of collecteddraft cards was presented to the justice department. figure was up to 3,305. at the end of 1969,there were 33,960 delinquents nationwide. up. in the first quarter of 1970 the selectiveservice system, for the first time, could not meet its quota.a boston university graduate student in history, philip supina, wrote on may 1, 1968, to hisdraft board in tucson, arizona: i am enclosing the order for me to reportfor my pre-induction physical exam for the

armed forces. i have absolutely no intentionto report for that exam, or for induction, or to aid in any way the american war effortagainst the people of vietnam. spanish civil war said: "sometimes to be silentis to lie." supina was convicted and sentenced to four years in prison.early in the war, there had been two separate incidents, barely noticed by most americans.on november 2, 1965, in front of the pentagon in washington, as thousands of employees werestreaming out of the building in the late afternoon, norman morrison, a thirty-two-year-oldpacifist, father of three, stood below the third-floor windows of secretary of defenserobert mcnamara, doused himself with kerosene, and set himself afire, giving up his lifein protest the war. also, that year, in detroit,

an eighty-two-year-old woman named alice herzburned herself to death to make a statement against the horror of indochina.a remarkable change in sentiment took place. common to voice their indignation. on october15, 1969, the number of people assembled on the boston common to protest the war was 100,000.perhaps 2 million people across the nation gathered that day in towns and villages thathad never seen an antiwar meeting. and long- time pacifist david dellinger, weresplattered with red paint by hecklers. but by 1970, the washington peace rallies weredrawing hundreds of thousands of people. in 1971, twenty thousand came to washington tocommit civil disobedience, trying to tie up washington traffic to express their revulsionagainst the killing still going on in vietnam.

hundreds of volunteers in the peace corpsspoke out against the war. in chile, ninety-two volunteers defied the peace corps directorand issued a circular denouncing the war. was happening in vietnam.the poet robert lowell, invited to a white house function, refused to come. arthur miller,also invited, sent a telegram to the white house: "when the gun’s boom, the arts die."singer eartha kitt was invited to a luncheon on the white house lawn and shocked all thosepresent by speaking out, in the presence of the president's wife, against the war. a teenager,called to the white house to accept a prize, came and criticized the war. in hollywood,local artists erected a 60-foot tower of protest on sunset boulevard. at the national bookaward ceremonies in new york, fifty authors

and publishers walked out on a speech by vice-presidenthumphrey in a display of anger at his role in the war.in london, two young americans gate-crashed the american ambassador's elegant fourth ofjuly reception and called out a toast: "to all the dead and dying in vietnam." they werecarried out by guards. in the pacific ocean, two young american seamen hijacked an americanmunitions ship to divert its load of bombs from airbases in thailand. for four days,they took command of the ship and its crew, taking amphetamine pills to stay awake untilthe ship reached cambodian waters. the associated press reported in late 1972, from "york, pennsylvania:"five antiwar activists were arrested by the state police today for allegedly sabotagingrailroad equipment near a factory that makes

bomb casings used in the vietnam war."middle-class and professional people unaccustomed to activism began to speak up. in may 1970,the new york times reported from washington: "1000 'establishment' lawyers join war protest."corporations began to wonder whether the war was going to hurt their long- range businessinterests; the wall street journal began criticizing the continuation of the war. as the war becamemore and more unpopular, people in or close to the government began to break out of thecircle of assent. the most dramatic instance was the case of daniel ellsberg.ellsberg was a harvard-trained economist, a former marine officer, employed by the randcorporation, which did special, often secret research for the u.s. government. ellsberghelped write the department of defense history

of the war in vietnam, and then decided tomake the top- secret document public, with the aid of his friend, anthony russo, a formerrand corporation man. the two had met in saigon, where both had been affected, in differentexperiences, by direct sight of the war, and had become powerfully indignant at what theunited states was doing to the people of vietnam. duplicating the 7,000-page document. thenellsberg gave copies to various congressmen and to the new york times. in june 1971, thetimes began printing selections from what came to be known as the pentagon papers. itcreated a national sensation. in policy. a colleague urged him not to leavethe government because there he had "access," saying, "don't cut yourself off. don't cutyour throat." ellsberg replied: "life exists

outside the executive branch."the antiwar movement, early in its growth, found a strange, new constituency: priestsand nuns of the catholic church. some of them had been aroused by the civil rights movement,others by their experiences in latin america, where they saw poverty and injustice undergovernments supported by the united states. blood, and waited to be arrested. they wereput on trial and sentenced to prison terms of two to six years.the following may, philip berrigan-out on bail in the baltimore case-was joined in asecond action by his brother daniel, a jesuit priest who had visited north vietnam and seenthe effects of u.s. bombing. they and seven other people went into a draft board officein catonsville, maryland, removed records,

and set them afire outside in the presenceof reporters and onlookers. they were convicted and sentenced to prison, and became famousas the "catonsville nine." dan berrigan wrote a "meditation" at the time of the catonsvilleincident: we could not, so help us god, do otherwise.we say: killing is disorder, life and gentleness and community and unselfishness is the onlyorder we recognize. for the sake of that order, we risk our liberty, our good name. the timeis past when good men can remain silent, when obedience can segregate men from public risk,when the poor can die without defense. disappeared. while the fbi searched for him,he showed up at an easter festival at cornell university, where he had been teaching. withdozens of fbi men looking for him in the crowd,

he suddenly appeared on stage. then the lightswent out, he hid inside a giant figure of the bread and puppet theatre which was onstage, was carried out to a truck, and escaped to a nearby farmhouse. he stayed undergroundfor four months, writing poems, issuing statements, giving secret interviews, appearing suddenlyin a philadelphia church to give a sermon and then disappearing again, baffling thefbi, until an informer's interception of a letter disclosed his whereabouts and he wascaptured and imprisoned. surrender to the fbi. she was never found.writing from underground, she reflected on her experience and how she came to it:we had all known we were going to jail, so we all had our toothbrushes. i was just exhausted.i took my little box of clothes and stuck

it under the cot and climbed into bed. nowall the women in the baltimore county jail were black-i think there was only one white.the women were waking me up and saying, "aren't you going to cry?" i said, "what about?" theysaid, "you're in jail." and i said, "yeah, i knew i'd be here."i was sleeping between two of these women, and every morning i'd wake up and they'd beleaning on their elbows watching me. they'd say, "you slept all night." and they couldn'tbelieve it. they were good. we had good times. i suppose the political turning point in mylife came while i was in uganda. i was there when american planes were bombing the congo,and we were very close to the congo border. the planes came over and bombed two villagesin uganda. where the hell did, the american

planes come in?later i was in dar es salaam and chou en lai came to town. the american embassy sent outletters saying that no americans were to be on the street, because this was a dirty communistleader; but i decided this was a man who was making history and i wanted to see him.when i came home from africa i moved to washington, and had to deal with the scene there and theinsanity and brutality of the cops and the type of life that was led by most of the citizensof that city 70 percent black. black scene-so many blacks forever fillingthe jails. i don't think it's a valid tactic anymore.... i don't want to see people marchingoff to jail with smiles on their faces. i just don't want them going. the seventiesare going to be very difficult, and i don't

want to waste the sisters and brothers wehave by marching them off to jail and having mystical experiences or whatever they're goingto have. traditional conservatism of the catholic community.on moratorium day 1969, at the newton college of the sacred heart near boston, a sanctuaryof bucolic quiet and political silence, the great front door of the college displayeda huge painted red fist. at boston college, a catholic institution, six thousand peoplegathered that evening in the gymnasium to denounce the war.students were heavily involved in the early protests against the war. a survey by theurban research corporation, for the first six months of 1969 only, and for only 232of the nation’s two thousand institutions

of higher education, showed that at least215,000 students had participated in campus protests, that 3,652 had been arrested, that956 had been suspended or expelled. even in the high schools, in the late sixties, therewere five hundred underground newspapers. of cambodia. at kent state university in ohio,on may 4, when students gathered to demonstrate against the war, national guardsmen firedinto the crowd. four students were killed. one was paralysed for life. students at fourhundred colleges and universities went on strike in protest. it was the first generalstudent strike in the history of the united states. during that school year of 1969-1970,the fbi listed 1,785 student demonstrations, including the occupation of 313 buildings.the commencement day ceremonies after the

kent state killings were unlike any the nationhad ever seen. from amherst, massachusetts, came this newspaper report:the 100th commencement of the university of massachusetts yesterday was a protest, a callfor peace. fear, in despair and in frustration."red fists of protest, white peace symbols, and blue doves were stencilled on black academicgowns, and nearly every other senior wore an armband representing a plea for peace.student protests the rotc (reserve officers training program) resulted in the cancellingof those programs in over forty colleges and universities. in 1966, 191,749 college studentsenrolled in rotc. by 1973, the number was 72,459. the rotc was depended on to supplyhalf the officers in vietnam. in september

1973, for the sixth straight month, the rotccould not fulfil its quota. one army official said: "i just hope we don't get into anotherwar, because if we do, i doubt we could fight it."the publicity given to the student protests created the impression that the oppositionto the war came mostly from middle-class intellectuals. played up in the national media. however,a number of elections in american cities, including those where mostly blue-collar workerslived, showed that antiwar sentiment was strong in the working classes. for instance, in dearborn,michigan, an automobile manufacturing town, a poll as early as 1967 showed 41 percentof the population favored withdrawal from the vietnam war. in 1970, in two countiesin california where petitioners placed the

issue on the ballot—san francisco countyand marin county—referenda asking withdrawal of the u.s. forces from vietnam received amajority vote. "yes." in madison, wisconsin, in the springof 1971, a resolution calling for an immediate withdrawal of u.s. forces from southeast asiawon by 31,000 to 16,000 (in 1968 such a resolution had lost).but the most surprising data were in a survey made by the university of michigan. this showedthat, throughout the vietnam war, americans with only a grade school education were muchstronger for withdrawal from the war than americans with a college education. in june1966, of people with a college education, 27 percent were for immediate withdrawal fromvietnam; of people with only a grade school

education, 41 percent were for immediate withdrawal.by september 1970, both groups were more antiwar: 47 percent of the college-educated were forwithdrawal, and 61 percent of grade school graduates.there is more evidence of the same kind. in an article in the american sociological review(june 1968), richard f. hamilton found in his survey of public opinion: "preferencesfor 'tough' policy alternatives are most frequent younger persons, and those paying much attentionto newspapers and magazines." and a political scientist, harlan hahn, doing a study of variouscity referenda on vietnam, found support for withdrawal from vietnam highest in groupsof lower socioeconomic status. he also found that the regular polls, based on samplings,underestimated the opposition to the war among

lower class people.all this was part of a general change in the entire population of the country. in augustof 1965, 61 percent of the population thought the american involvement in vietnam was notwrong. by may 1971 it was exactly reversed; 61 percent thought our involvement was wrong.bruce andrews, a harvard student of public opinion, found that the people most opposedto the war were people over fifty, blacks, and women. he also noted that a study in thespring of 1964, when vietnam was a minor issue in the newspapers, showed that 53 percentof college-educated people were willing to send troops to vietnam, but only 33 percentof grade school educated people were so willing. working-class people were super patriots forthe war. lewis lipsitz, in a mid-1968 survey

of poor blacks and whites in the south, paraphrasedan attitude he found typical: "the only way to help the poor man is to get out of thatwar in vietnam. these taxes high taxes it's going over yonder to kill people with andi don't see no cause in it." who came mostly from lower-income groups.there had been, earlier in american history, instances of soldiers' disaffection from thewar: isolated mutinies in the revolutionary war, refusal of reenlistment in the midstof hostilities in the mexican war, desertion and conscientious objection in world war iand world war ii. but vietnam produced opposition by soldiers and veterans on a scale, and witha fervour, never seen before. it began with isolated protests. as earlyas june 1965, richard steinke, a west point

graduate in vietnam, refused to board an aircrafttaking him to a remote vietnamese village. "the vietnamese war," he said, "is not wortha single american life." steinke was court martialled and dismissed from the service.the following year, three army privates, one black, one puerto rican, one lithuanian-italian-allpoor-refused to embark for vietnam, denouncing the war as "immoral, illegal, and unjust."they were court martialled and imprisoned. to teach green berets, a special forces elitein the military. he said they were "murderers of women and children" and "killers of peasants."he was court martialled on the grounds that he was trying to promote disaffection amongenlisted men by his statements. the colonel who presided at the trial said: "the truthof the statements is not an issue in this

case." levy was convicted and sentenced toprison. to vietnam, although he faced eleven yearsat hard labor. a navy nurse, lieutenant susan schnall, was court martialled for marchingin a peace demonstration while in uniform, and for dropping antiwar leaflets from a planeon navy installations. in norfolk, virginia, a sailor refused to train fighter pilots becausehe said the war was immoral. an army lieutenant was arrested in washington, d.c., in early1968 for picketing the white house with a sign that said: "120,000 american casualties-why?"two black marines, george daniels and william harvey, were given long prison sentences (daniels,six years, harvey, ten years, both later reduced) for talking to other black marines againstthe war.

as the war went on, desertions from the armedforces mounted. thousands went to western europe france, sweden, holland. most deserterscrossed into canada; some estimates were 50,000, others 100,000. some stayed in the unitedstates. a few openly defied the military authorities by taking "sanctuary" in churches, where,surrounded by antiwar friends and sympathizers, they waited for capture and court-martial.at boston university, a thousand students kept vigil for five days and nights in thechapel, supporting an eighteen-year-old deserter, ray kroll.kroll's story was a common one. he had been inveigled into joining the army; he came froma poor family, was brought into court, charged with drunkenness, and given the choice ofprison or enlistment. he enlisted. and then

he began to think about the nature of thewar. their way through aisles clogged with students,smashed down doors, and took kroll away. from the stockade, he wrote back to friends: "iain't gonna kill; it's against my will." a friend he had made at the chapel brought himhooks, and he noted a saying he had found in one of them: "what we have done will notbe lost to all eternity. everything ripens at its time and becomes fruit at its hour."the gi antiwar movement became more organized. and closed by court action. but other gi coffeehousessprang up in half a dozen other places across the country. an antiwar "bookstore" was openednear fort devens, massachusetts, and another one at the newport, rhode island, naval base.underground newspapers sprang up at military

bases across the country; by 1970 more thanfifty were circulating. among them: about face in los angeles; fed up! in tacoma, washington;short times at fort jackson; vietnam gi in chicago; graffiti in heidelberg, germany;bragg briefs in north carolina; last harass at fort gordon, georgia; helping hand at mountainhome air base, idaho. these newspapers printed antiwar articles, gave news about the harassmentof gis and practical advice on the legal rights of servicemen, told how to resist militarydomination. life. in the army prisons, the stockades,this was especially true. in 1968, at the presidio stockade in california, a guard shotto death an emotionally disturbed prisoner for walking away from a work detail. twenty-sevenprisoners then sat down and refused to work,

singing "we shall overcome." they were court-martialed,found guilty of mutiny, and sentenced to terms of up to fourteen years, later reduced aftermuch public attention and protest. the dissidence spread to the war front itself.when the great moratorium day demonstrations were taking place in october 1969 in the unitedstates, some gis in vietnam wore black armbands to show their support. a news photographerreported that in a platoon on patrol near da nang, about half of the men were wearingblack armbands. one soldier stationed at cu chi wrote to a friend on october 26, 1970,that separate companies had been set up for men refusing to go into the field to fight."it's no big thing here anymore to refuse to go." the french newspaper le monde reportedthat in four months, 109 soldiers of the first

air cavalry division were charged with refusalto fight. "a common sight," the correspondent for le monde wrote, "is the black soldier,with his left fist clenched in defiance of a war he has never considered his own."wallace terry, a black american reporter for time magazine, taped conversations with hundredsof black soldiers; he found bitterness against army racism, disgust with the war, generallylow morale. more and more cases of "fragging" were reported in vietnam—incidents whereservicemen rolled fragmentation bombs under the tents of officers who were ordering theminto combat, or against whom they had other grievances. the pentagon reported 209 fraggingsin vietnam in 1970 alone. veterans back from vietnam formed a groupcalled vietnam veterans against the war. in

december 1970, hundreds of them went to detroitto what was called the "winter soldier" investigations, to testify publicly about atrocities theyhad participated in or seen in vietnam, committed by americans against vietnamese. in april1971 more than a thousand of them went to washington, d.c., to demonstrate against thewar. one by one, they went up to a wire fence around the capitol, threw over the fence themedals they had won in vietnam, and made brief statements about the war, sometimes emotionally,sometimes in icy, bitter calm. the concerned officers movement against thewar. during the fierce bombings of hanoi and haiphong, around christmas 1972, came thefirst defiance of b-52 pilots who refused to fly those missions.on june 3, 1973, the new york times reported

dropouts among west point cadets. officialsthere, the reporter wrote, "linked the rate to an affluent, less disciplined, sceptical,and questioning generation and to the anti-military mood that a small radical minority and thevietnam war had created." groups white, black, native american, chinese,and chicano. (chicanos back home were demonstrating by the thousands against the war.)a twenty-year-old new york city chinese- american named sam choy enlisted at seventeen in thearmy, was sent to vietnam, was made a cook, and found himself the target of abuse by fellowgis, who called him "chink" and "gook" (the term for the vietnamese) and said he lookedlike the enemy. one day he took a rifle and fired warning shots at his tormenters. "bythis time i was near the perimeter of the

base and was thinking of joining the vietcong; at least they would trust me." of hard labor at fort leaven worth. "theybeat me up every day, like a time clock." all the chinese kids that the army made mesick. they made me so sick that i can't stand it."a dispatch from phu bai in april 1972 said that fifty gis out of 142 men in the companyrefused to go on patrol, crying: "this isn't our war!" the new york times on july 14, 1973,reported that american prisoners of war in vietnam, ordered by officers in the pow campto stop cooperating with the enemy, shouted back: "who's the enemy?" they formed a peacecommittee in the camp, and a sergeant on the committee later recalled his march from captureto the pow camp:

until we got to the first camp, we didn'tsee a village intact; they were all destroyed. i sat down and put myself in the middle andasked myself: is this right or wrong? is it right to destroy villages? is it right tokill people en masse? after a while it just got to me.pentagon officials in washington and navy spokesmen in san diego announced, after theunited states withdrew its troops from vietnam in 1973, that the navy was going to purgeitself of "undesirables"-and that these included as many as six thousand men in the pacificfleet, "a substantial proportion of them black." all together, about 700,000 gis had receivedless than honourable discharges. in the year 1973, one of every five discharges was "lessthan honourable," indicating something less

than dutiful obedience to the military. by1971, 177 of every 1,000 american soldiers were listed as "absent without leave," someof them three or four times. deserters doubled from 47,000 in 1967 to 89,000 in 1971.one of those who stayed, fought, but then turned against the war was ron kovic. hisfather worked in a supermarket on long island. in 1963, at the age of seventeen, he enlistedin the marines. two years later, in vietnam, at the age of nineteen, his spine was shatteredby shellfire. paralysed from the waist down, he was put in a wheelchair. back in the states,he observed the brutal treatment of wounded veterans in the veterans' hospitals, thoughtmore and more about the war, and joined the vietnam veterans against the war. he wentto demonstrations to speak against the war.

sutherland began to read the passage and somethingi will never forget swept over me. it was as if someone was speaking for everythingi ever went through in the hospital. i began to shake and i remember there were tears inmy eyes. kovic demonstrated against the war, and wasarrested. he tells his story in born on the fourth of july:they help me back into the chair and take me to another part of the prison buildingto be booked. "what's your name?" the officer behind thedesk says. "ron kovic," i say. "occupation, vietnam veteranagainst the war." "what?" he says sarcastically, looking downat me.

"you should have died over there," he says.he turns to his assistant. "i'd like to take this guy and throw him off the roof."they fingerprint me and take my picture and put me in a cell. i have begun to wet my pantslike a little baby. the tube has slipped out during my examination by the doctor. i tryto fall asleep but even though i am exhausted, the anger is alive in me like a huge hot stonein my chest. i lean my head up against the wall and listen to the toilets flush againand again. speech shouted, "stop the bombing! stop thewar!" delegates cursed them: "traitor!" and secret service men hustled them out of thehall. government would be set up including communistand non-communist elements. but the saigon

government refused to agree, and the unitedstates decided to make one final attempt to bludgeon the north vietnamese into submission.it sent waves of b-52s over hanoi and haiphong, destroying homes and hospitals, killing unknownnumbers of civilians. the attack did not work. on before.the united states withdrew its forces, continuing to give aid to the saigon government, butwhen the north vietnamese launched attacks in early 1975 against the major cities insouth vietnam, the government collapsed. in late april 1975, north vietnamese troops enteredsaigon. the american embassy staff fled, along with many vietnamese who feared communistrule, and the long war in vietnam was over. republic of vietnam.traditional history portrays the end of wars

as coming from the initiatives of leaders-negotiationsin paris or brussels or geneva or versailles just as it often finds the coming of war aresponse to the demand of "the people." the vietnam war gave clear evidence that at leastfor that war (making one wonder about the others) the political leaders were the lastto take steps to end the war "the people " were far ahead. the president was always far behind.the supreme court silently turned away from cases challenging the constitutionality ofthe war. congress was years behind public opinion.in the spring of 1971, syndicated columnists rowland evans and robert novak, two firm supportersof the war, wrote regretfully of a "sudden outbreak of anti-war emotionalism" in thehouse of representatives, and said: "the anti-war

animosities now suddenly so pervasive amonghouse democrats are viewed by administration backers as less anti-nixon than as a responseto constituent pressures." should not be sent into cambodia without itsapproval. and it was not until late 1973, when american troops had finally been removedfrom vietnam, that congress passed a bill limiting the power of the president to makewar without congressional consent; even there, in that "war powers resolution," the presidentcould make war for sixty days on his own without a congressional declaration.the administration tried to persuade the american people that the war was ending because ofits decision to negotiate a peace-not because it was losing the war, not because of thepowerful antiwar movement in the united states.

at each stage about "public opinion" in theunited states and abroad. the data is in the pentagon papers.in june of 1964, top american military and state department officials, including ambassadorhenry cabot lodge, met in honolulu. "rusk stated that public opinion on our sea policywas badly divided and that, therefore, the president needed an affirmation of support."diem had been replaced by a general named khanh. the pentagon historians write: "uponhis return to saigon on june 5 ambassador lodge went straight from the airport to callon general khanh the main thrust of his talk with khanh was to hint that the united statesgovernment would in the immediate future be preparing u.s. public opinion for actionsagainst north vietnam." two months later came

the gulf of tonkin affair.on april 2, 1965, a memo from cia director john mccone suggested that the bombing ofnorth vietnam be increased because it was "not sufficiently severe" to change northvietnam's policy. "on the other hand ... we can expect increasing pressure to stop thebombing from various elements of the american public, from the press, the united nationsand world opinion." the u.s. should try for a fast knockout before this opinion couldbuild up, mccone said. "create a counterproductive wave of revulsionabroad and at home." in may 1967, the pentagon historians write: "mcnaughton was also verydeeply concerned about the breadth and intensity of public unrest and dissatisfaction withthe war especially with young people, the

underprivileged, the intelligentsia and thewomen." mcnaughton worried: "will the move to call up 20,000 reserves polarize opinionto the extent that the 'doves' in the united states will get out of hand-massive refusalsto serve, or to fight, or to cooperate, or worse?" he warned:there may be a limit beyond which many americans and much of the world will not permit theunited states to go. the picture of the world's greatest superpower killing or seriously injuring1000 non-combatants a week, while trying to pound a tiny backward nation into submission,on an issue whose merits are hotly disputed, is not a pretty one. it could conceivablyproduce a costly distortion in the american national consciousness.that "costly distortion" seems to have taken

place by the spring of 1968, when, with thesudden and scary tet offensive of the national liberation front, westmoreland asked presidentjohnson to send him 200,000 more troops on top of the 525,000 already there. johnsonasked a small group of "action officers" in the pentagon to advise him on this. they studiedthe situation and concluded that 200,000 troops would totally americanise the war and wouldnot strengthen the saigon government because: "the saigon leadership shows no signs of awillingness let alone an ability to attract the necessary loyalty or support of the people." furthermore, the report said, sending troops would mean mobilizing reserves, increasingthe military budget. there would he more u.s. casualties, more taxes. and:this growing disaffection accompanied as it

a domestic crisis of unprecedented proportions.the "growing unrest in the cities" must have been a reference to the black uprisings thathad taken place in 1967—and showed the link, whether blacks deliberately made it or notbetween the war abroad and poverty at home. the war.when nixon took office, he too tried to persuade the public that protest would not affect him.but he almost went berserk when one lone pacifist picketed the white house. the frenzy of nixon'sactions against dissidents-plans for burglaries, wiretapping, mail openings-suggests the importanceof the antiwar movement in the minds of national leaders.one sign that the ideas of the antiwar movement had taken hold in the american public wasthat juries became more reluctant to convict

antiwar protesters, and local judges too weretreating them differently. in washington, by 1971, judges were dismissing charges againstdemonstrators in cases where two years before they almost certainly would have been sentto jail. the antiwar groups who had raided draft boards the baltimore four, the catonsvillenine, the milwaukee fourteen, the boston five, and more were receiving lighter sentencesfor the same crimes. who raided a draft board in camden, new jersey,in august 1971. it was essentially what the baltimore four had done four years earlier,when all were convicted and phil berrigan got six years in prison. but in this instance,the camden defendants were acquitted by the jury on all counts. when the verdict was in,one of the jurors, a fifty-three-year-old

black taxi driver from atlantic city namedsamuel braithwaite, who had spent eleven years in the army, left a letter for the defendants:to you, the clerical physicians with your god given talents, i say, well done. welldone for trying to heal the sick irresponsible men, men who were chosen by the people togovern and lead them. these men, who failed the people, by raining death and destructionon a hapless country. you went out to do your part while your brothers remained in theirivory towers watching and hopefully some day in the near future, peace and harmony mayreign to people of all nations. that was in may of 1973. the american troopswere leaving vietnam. c. l. sulzberger, the new york times correspondent (a man closeto the government), wrote: "the u.s. emerges

as the big loser and history books must admitthis. we lost the war in the mississippi valley, not the mekong valley. successive americangovernments were never able to muster the necessary mass support at home."in fact, the united states had lost the war in both the mekong valley and the mississippivalley. it was the first clear defeat to the global american empire formed after worldwar ii. it was administered by revolutionary peasants abroad, and by an astonishing movementof protest at home. back on september 26, 1969, president richardnixon, noting the growing antiwar activity all over the country, announced that "underno circumstance will i be affected whatever by it." but nine years later, in his memoirs,he admitted that the antiwar movement caused

him to drop plans for an intensification ofthe war: "although publicly i continued to ignore the raging antiwar controversy. i knew,however, that after all the protests and the moratorium, american public opinion wouldbe seriously divided by any military escalation of the war." it was a rare presidential admissionof the power of public protest. from a long-range viewpoint, something perhapseven more important had happened. the rebellion at home was spreading beyond the issue ofwar in vietnam.

Coloring pages of Captain America The Winter Soldier

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